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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


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tl 

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Additional  commentr,:/ 
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Idtails 
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la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

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d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


errata 
to 


pelure. 


□ 


32X 


1 

2 

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1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

mnHiwii 


THE 


VOYAGE  OF  VERRAZZANO: 


A  ClIAlTEll  IN  THE 


Eahly  History  of  Maritime  Discovery 


nr 


AMERICA. 


BY  HENRY  C.  MURPHY. 


NKW    YORK 

1875. 


lo'b 
\5M'f 


TO  TlIK 


Ol- 


BUCKi:t^GIIAM  SMlTn, 


or 


ST.    AUGUSTINE. 


l'iA)Uil)A, 


The  following  pages,  intoiulcd  to  show  the  chum  of  dis- 
covery in  America  by  Verrazziirio  to  be  without  any  real 
foimdation,  belong  to  a  work,  in  hand,  upon  the  earliest 
explorations  of  the  coast  which  have  led  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  United  Sttitcs  by  Europeans.  They  are 
now  printed  separately,  with  some  additions  and  neces- 
sary changes,  in  <'onse(][uence  of  the  recent  production  of 
the  map  of  11  ieronirao  de  Verrazano,  which  professes  to 
rei)resent  this  discovery,  and  is  therefore  supposed  to 
afford  some  proof  of  its  authenticity;  in  which  view  it  lias 
been  the  si;bject  of  a  learned  and  elaborate  memoir  by  J, 
Carson  IJr(!Voort  Esfj, 

Certain  important  documents  in  relation  to  Verrazzr5.n0, 
procured  from  the  archives  of  Spain  and  Portugal  by  the 
late  Buckingham  Smith,  on  a  visit  to  those  countries  a 
year  or  two  before  his  death,  are  appended.  They  were 
intended  to  accompany  a  second  edition  of  his  Inijuiri/,  a 
purpose  which  has  been  interrupted  by  his  clccease.  They 
were  entrusted  by  him  to  the  (nire  of  his  friend,  (.}ct)rge 
I[.  Moore  Ksip,  of  New  York,  who  has  placed  them  at  our 
disposal  on  the  present  occasion. 

The  fragmentary  and  distorted  form  in  which  the  letter 
ascribed  to  Verrazzano,  ap[)eared  in  the  collection  of 
liamusio,  and  was  thence  universally  admitted  into  history, 
rendered  it  necessary  that  tlu'  letter  should  be  here  given 
complete, according  to  its  original  meaning.  It  is,  therefore, 
annexed  in  the  English  translation  of  Dr.  Cogswell,  which 
though  not  entirely  unexceptionable  is,  for  all  purposes, 
sutHciently  accurate.  The  original  Italian  text  can,  how- 
ever, be  consulted  in  the  CJollections  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  accompanying  his  translation,  iind  also 


Tl 


VERRAZZANO. 


in  tlio  Ardiivio  Storico  Itarmno,  in  wliirli  It  is  rcprosontod 
by  tlm  editor  to  lie  nioro  correctly  copied  from  tlio  ninnii- 
Hcript,  and  nnicndtMl  in  itH  laiii;ua^c  where  it  Boemed  cor- 
rupt;  but  Hiich  corrertions  are  l'«\v  and  uiumportant.  In 
all  caseH  in  wliidi  the  letter  is  now  made  tlio  sul>iect  of 
eritit-al  examinatioi:,  the  passages  referred  to  are  given,  for 
o!)viou8  reasons,  according  to  the  reading  of  tlie  Floren- 
tine editor. 

Wo  are  indebted  to  tlie  American  Oeograpliical  Society 
of  New  York  for  tlie  use  of  its  photographs  of  the  Ver- 
raziino  map, and  to  Mr.  llrevoort  for  a  copy  of  the  cosmogra- 
jfhy  of  Allonse,  from  which  the  chart  of  Xorumhega  has 
been  taken.  And  our  thanks  are  due  to  Dr.  J.  (lihnary 
Sliea  of  New  York,  for  valuable  assistance;  and  to  Dr.  E. 
J{.  Stia/.nicky  of  the  Astor  Library,  Mons.  C.  Maunoir  of 
the  tSociete  de  (Jeographio  of  Paris,  Dr.  J.  Hammond 
Tnmd)ull  of  Hartford,  Hon.  John  1{.  Bartlett  of  I'rovi- 
dencc,  ami  James  Leno.x  Ksq.  of  New  York,  for  various 
favors  kindly  rendered  during  tlie  progress  of  our  re- 
searches. 


Ihiooki.YN,  S<pt.  1S75. 


CONTENTS. 


I.  The  Discovery  Attributed  to  Vcrrazzano, 
II.  The  Verruzzano  Letter  not  Genuine, 

III.  The  Letter  untrue.     [.  No  Voyage  or  Discovery  made 

for  the  King  of  France,  aa  it  states, 

IV.  II.  Misrepresentations  in  regard  to   the  Geography 

of  the  Coast.     The  Chesapeake.     Tlie  Ishmd  of 
Louise.     Ma8sac'bu.sett«  IJay,   .... 

V.  III.  Cape  lireton  and  the  Southerly  Coast  of  New- 
foundhmd,  here  claimed  to  have  hoou  dLscovtrud, 
wero  known  previously.  Perversion  of  the  Text 
of  the  Letter  by  Uauiusio,         .... 

VI.  IV.  The  Dcseription  of  the  People  and  I'roductions 
of  the  fiund  not  made  from  the  Personal  Observation 
of  the  Writer  of  the  Letter.  What  distinctively  be- 
longed tt)  the  Natives  is  unnoticed,  and  what  is 
originally  mentioned  of  them  is  untrue.  Further 
important  .Vlteration.><  of  the  Text  by  llaniusio,     . 

Vn.  The  F>xtrinsie  Fvidence  in  Hupportof  the  Claim.    I. 
Discourse  of  the  Fren«;h  Sea  (yaptain  of  Dieppe,  . 

VIII.  II.  The  Verrazano  .^Iap.  It  is  not  an  Authoritative 
Exposition  of  the  Verrazzano  Discovery.  Its  ( )rigin 
and  Date  in  its  present  Form.  The  Letter  of  Anni- 
bal  Caro.  The  Map  presented  to  Henry  VII 1. 
Voyages  of  Verrazzano.  The  Globe  of  Kuphro.sy- 
uus  Ulpius, 


10-24 


25-44 


4S-5t) 


57-69 


09-83 


84-90 


91-115 


VIH 


CONTENTS. 


IX.  Tho  liOttpr  to  the  Kinj.'  fount'  d  on  the  Discoveries  of 
Ksti'svan  Gonici.  'J'hu  History  of  Gomez  and  his 
Voyage.  Tho  Publication  of  his  Discovcrica  in 
^imin  and  Italy  before  tho  VcrraMano  claim.  Tho 
Voyage  described  in  the  Letter  traced  to  Uiboro'd 
Ma])  of  tho  DiacoToriua  of  Gomez,    ,  .         .         llG-133 

X.  Tho(!arccr  of  Vorrazzano.    An  Adventurous  Life  r.nd 

iKnomiuious  Death.     (Vmclunion,  .         .         134-151 

Appendix,     .  .  .  .....         164-186 

Index ■ 187-l!t7 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The  Caravel, 

ArniH  of  the  Dauphin,  afterwards  Henry  II, 
Cape  Henry  and  Kntranco  into  tho  Chesapeake, 
Dii.-h-Bark  (/aaoc,         ..... 


9 
44 

5G 
83 


MAPS. 


Fscliii,'  pauc 

37 


Chart  from  the  Cosniof^vaphy  of  Jean  Alfonso, 

Map  of  Ilicronomo  do  Verrazano,  of  the  alleged  Discovery 

and  adjacent  Countries,  only,         ....         91 
Map  from  the  Globe  of  Ulpius,  of  the  same,  .         .114 

Map  of  Diego  Uibcro,  showing  tho    Kxploration  of  Goraoz 

and  the  alleged  Track  of  Verrazzano,         .  .  129 

Map  of  Verrazano  entire,  at  the  End  of  the  Volume. 


THE 


VOYACK  OF  VEUUAZZANO: 


A  (llAPTEIi  IN  TFIK  KAIU.Y  IlISToHY  oF  MAUITIMK 
IHS(((V1-,I«>    IN   AMKltlCA. 


I. 


T  IE  Discovi:r,T  A.TTuni'TEn  to  Verra77\n<). 

The  disco /(.'i'}'  of  tin;  griJitcr  portion  of  tht;  Afljintio 
coiwt  of  North  America,  fmbrnciiifr  all  of  the  United 
Stiite.s  north  of  Ciiju'  Koinan  in  Sonth  Carolina,  and  of 
the  northern  British  provinces  as  far  at  least  as  Cape 
Urt'ton,  hy  (liovanni  da  Verrazzano,  a  Florentine,  in 
the  Hirvice  of  the  king  of  France,  has  received  until 
([iiitx'  recently  the  assent  of  all  the  geographers  and 
historians  who  have  taken  occasion  to  treat  of  the 
subject.  This  auknowledgment,  for  nior(»  than  three 
hundred  years,  which  would  seem  Ui  |>reclude  all  (jues- 
tion  in  nigard  to  its  authenticity  at  this  lat-e  day,  has, 
ho\vev<>r,  hvim  due  more  to  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  its  publication  than  to  an}-  evidence  of  its  truth. 
The  only  account  of  it  whn  h  exists,  is  contained  in  a 
letter  purjiorting  to  have  l)een  written  by  the  disco- 
verer himself,  and  is  not  corroborated  bv  the  testiuionv 
of  any  other  person,  or  sustained  by  any  documentary 
proof  It  was  not  published  to  the  world  until  it 
1 


■B 


2  VEKRAZZANO. 

appeared  for  the  first  time  in  Italy,  the  birth  place  of 
the  navigator,  more  than  thirty  ^ears  after  the  trans- 
actions to  which  it  relates  arc  alleged  to  have  taken 
place  ;  and  it  has  not,  up  to  the  jiresent  time,  received 
any  confirmation  in  the  history  of  France,  whose  sove- 
reign, it  is  asserted,  sent  forth  the  expedition,  and  to 
whose  crown  the  right  of  the  discoveiy  accordingly 
attached.  Yet  it  is  not  ilifiicult  to  comprehend  how 
the  story,  appealing  to  the  patriotic  sympathies  of 
Ramuslo,  was  inconsiderately  adopted  hyliim,  and  in- 
serted in  his  famous  collection  of  voyages,  and  thus 
receiving  his  sanction,  was  not  unwillingly  accepted, 
upon  his  authority,  by  the  F'rench  nation,  whose  glory 
it  advanced,  without  possibly  its  having  any  real 
foundation.  And  as  there  never  was  any  colonization 
or  attempt  at  possession  of  the  country  in  consequence 
of  the  alleged  discovery,  or  any  assertion  of  title  under 
it,  except  in  a  single  instance  of  a  coinparatively 
modern  date,  and  with  no  important  bearing,  it  is  no 
less  easy  to  understand,  how  thus  ado})ted  and  pro- 
mulgated by  the  only  countries  interested  in  the  (|ues- 
tiou,  the  claim  v»as  admitted  by  other  nations  without 
challenge  or  dispute,  and  has  thus  become  incorpo- 
rated into  modern  history  without  investigation. 

Although  the  claim  has  never  been  regardiid  of  any 
practical  importance  in  the  settlement  of  the  country,  it 
has  nevertheless  possessed  an  historical  anil  geograph- 
ical interest  in  connection  with  the  origin  and  pro- 
gress of  maritime  discovery  on  this  continent.  Our 
own  writers  assuming  its  validity,  without  investiga- 
lioii.  have  been  content  to  trace,  if  possible,  the  route  of 
Verrazzano  and  point  out  the  places  Ik*  explored,  seek- 


P\ 


THE    ■','OV  \GV.. 


h  place  of 

tlie  trans- 

ave  takoii 

,  received 

liuse  sove- 

ni,  and  to 

xordlngly 

lend  how 

(atliies    of 

n,  and  in- 

and  thus 

accepted, 

hose  glory 

any   real 

Ionization 

n  sequence 

itle  under 

aratively 

,  it  is  no 

and  pro- 

tlie  cjues- 

.s  witliout 

noorpo- 

lon. 

'<]  of  any 
Jim  try,  it 
ograj)!!- 
and  pro- 
it  Our 
nve.«tiga- 
I'oute  of 
\m1,  seek- 


ing merely  to  reconcile  the  account  with  the  actual 
condition  and  situation  of  the  country.  Their  ex- 
planations, though  sometimes  plausible,  are  often  con- 
tradictory, and  not  unfrecpiently  absurd.  liCd  into 
an  examination  of  its  merits  with  impressions  in  its 
favor,  we  have  nevertheless  been  compelled  to  julopt 
the  conclusion  of  a  late  American  writer,  that  it  is 
utterly  fictitious.'  The  grounds  upon  which  our  con- 
viction rests  we  propose  now  to  state.  Some  docu- 
ments will  be  introduced,  for  the  first  time  here  brought 
to  light,  which  will  serve  furtlier  to  elucidate  the  ques- 
tion, and  show  the  career  and  ultimate  fate  of  Ver- 
razzano. 

The  letter,  in  which  the  pretension  is  advanced,  pro- 
fesses to  be  addressed  by  Verrazzano  to  the  king  of 
France,  at  that  time  Francis  [,  from  Dieppe,  in  N(»r- 
nuuidy,  the  8th  of  July  (O.  S.),  1524,  on  his  return  to 
that  port  from  a  voyage,  andertaken  by  order  of  the 
king,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  new  countries  ;  and  to 
give  an  account  of  the  discoveries  which  he  had  accord- 
ingly made.  He  first  reminds  his  majesty  that,  after 
starting  with  four  ships,  originally  composing  the  expe- 
dition, he  was  compelled  by  storms,  encountered  on  the 
northern  coasts,  to  put  into  Brittany  in  distress,  with 
the  loss  of  two  of  them  ;  and  that  after  repairing  there 
the  others,  called  the  Normanda  and  Delfina  {Dan- 
phine),  he  made  a  cruize  with  Wn^^jleet  of  vmt,  as  they 
are  styled,  along  the  coast  of  Spain.  lie  finally  pro- 
ceeded on  the  voyage  of  discovery  with  the  Daupliine 


'  Ah  liiqfiirji  into  the  A'lthiiitinty  of  Ihruinrnts  concerning  a  Diacorcry  in 
North  America  claimed  to  huce  been  made  by  t''crr<uziin.n.  Head  before  thg 
New  York-  ffinloricd  Sociity,  Tuesd'ii/,  Ocloher  4lh,  ^'M.  liy  linckinghmn 
Smith,    ^'fw  York,  IS()4.    pp.  6\,  tiiid  a  map. 


VEIiHAZZANO. 


alono,  sotting  sail  from  a  desolate  rock  near  the  island 
of  Madeira,  on  the  17th  of  January,  1524,  with  fifty 
men,  and  provisions  for  eight  months,  besides  the 
necessary  munitions  of  war.  This  voyage,  therefore, 
is  to  be  regarded,  according  to  the  representations 
here  made,  to  have  been  begun  with  the  sailing  of 
the  four  ships,  from  l)ie})pe,  in  the  precedmg  year.' 
On  leaving  Madeira  they  pursued  a  westerly  course 
for  eight  hundred  leagues  and  then,  inclining  a  little 
to  the  north,  ran  four  hundred  leagues  more,  when  on 
the  7th  of  March^  they  fell  upon  a  "  country  never 
before  .seen  by  any  one  either  in  ancient  or  modern 
times."  It  seemed  very  low  and  stretched  to  the  south, 
in  which  direction  they  sailed  along  it  for  the  purpose 
of  finding  a  harbor  wherein  their  ship  might  ride  in 
safety  ;    but  difscoveniiy  none  in    a   distance  of  fifty 


'  Some  wiiters  liavc  r(':rnrcl('(l  lliis  iiitroilnrtory  as  referring;  to  two  voy- 
ages or  iriiizes,  ono  uilli  llic  tour  sliips  bol'ore  the  disaster,  and  lliu  otlier 
with  tlie  Daupliine  afterwards.  But  it  seems' clear  from  tlieir  licing  de- 
si'ril)ed  us  assaileil  liy  tenii)esl.s  in  the  north,  whicli  eonipellcd  thinu  to  run 
into  liiiltaiiy  tor  salcty,  that  tliey  were  not  fur  di^laiit  from  Dieppe  wiien 
the  slornis  ovrtook  tliein  ;  and  must  Imve  been  eitlier  on  Iheir  way  out  or 
on  tlieir  return  to  tliat  port.  If  they  were  on  their  return  Ironi  a  voyage  to 
America,  as  Charlevoix  infers  (Fitateat  ChronohiyiqwH,  1523-4),  or  simply 
from  a  ernize,  as  ^Ir.  Brevoort  supjioses,  they  would,  after  midiinu-  tlieir 
repairs,  have  proceeded  home  to  Dieppe,  instead  of  niakiiu;'  a  sec,  id 
voyage.  Tlir'y  must,  therefore,  he  regarded  as  on  their  way  from  Diep,  -. 
Tlie  idea  of  a  voyage  having  heeu  perfori.ied  before  the  storms,  seems  .o 
be  due  to  an  alteration  whieli  Haniusio  made  in  this  portion  of  the  letter, 
by  inlrodueing  the  woid  "  suecess,"  as  of  llie  four  shiiis.  ('iiarlevoi.x  ex- 
pressly refers  to  liuniiisio  as  his  authority  and  .Mr.  Mievoort  makes  a 
paraphrase  from  the  Carli  and  Kamusio  versions  combine.'.,  {yoteit  on  the 
VervHzaiio  Mip  in  Jonriud  of  the  Am.  Geog.  Society  of  .Xnr  York,  vol. 
rv,  pi>.  172-:i.) 

'•'There  is  some  an\bignity  in  the  aeeount,  as  to  the  time  when  they  first 
saw  land.  Tlie  leller  reads  as  t'ollows  :  "On  the  ITlh  of  last  Januai'i'  we 
set  sail  front  a  desolate  rock  near  the  island  of  >radeira,  and  sailing  west- 
ward, in  twenty-live  days  we  ran  eight  hundred  leagues.  On  the  2M\  of 
February,  we  eneountired  as  vioh  lU  a  liurriiane  as  any  shii)  ever  weath- 
ered. Pursuing  our  voyage  toward  the  west,  a  little  northw.'irdly,  in 
tweuty-l'jur  da.\  .s  luore,  having  run  four  hundred  leagues,  we  reached  a  new 


THE    VOYAGE. 


:  to  two  V03'- 


leagues,  they  retraced  their  course,  and  ran  to  the 
north  with  no  better  success.  They  therefore  drew 
in  with  the  land  and  sent  a  boat  ashore,  and  had  tlieir 
iirst  communication  with  the  inhabitants,  who  regarded 
them  with  wonder.  Tliese  people  are  described  as 
going  naked,  except  around  their  loins,  and  as  being 
I)Iac/r.  The  land,  rising  somewhat  from  the  shore,  was 
covered  with  thick  forests,  which  sent  forth  the  sweetest 
fragrance  to  a  great  distance.  They  supposed  it  ad- 
joined the  Orient,  and  for  that  reason  was  not  devoid 
of  medicinal  and  aromatic  drugs  and  gold  ;  and  being 
in  latitwh  34°  N.,  was  possessed  of  a  pure,  salubrious 
and  healthy  climate.  They  sailed  thence  westerly  for 
a  short  distance  and  then  northerly,  when  at  the  end 
of  fifty  leagues  th^y  arrived  beforea  land  of  great  forests, 
where  they  landed  and  found  luxuriant  vines  entwin- 
ing the  trees  and  producing  siocet  and  lu-scioiis  (jrapes 
of  which  they  ate,  tasting  not  unlike  their  own ;  and 
from  when^,  they  carried  (jff  a  boy  about  eight  years 
old,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  him  to  France.  Coast- 
ing thence  northeasterly  for  one  hundred  leagues,  sail- 
iiuj  onh/  in  the  day  time  and  not  makimj  any  heritor 
in  the  whole  of  that  distance,  they  came  to  a  pleasant 
situation  among  steep  hills,  from  whence  a  large  river 
ran  into  the  sea.     Leaving,  in  consequence  of  a  rising 


foiiiitrv.''  &c.  Tf  llif  tvvf'nfy-foiir  tlays  Ix'  cnlciilalcil  from  tlie  24ili  of 
Ffbriiiiry,  tliu  lanill'all  woiikl  liiivc  tnkcii  place  on  tlic  20lli  ofMiircli ;  liut 
if  ri'ckonfd  from  the  (irst  twenty -five  iliiys  run,  it  would  have  been  on  the 
7ih  of  tliat  month.  Uwuuisio  elianires  the  distanee  first  sailed  from  SOO  to 
riOOlcii-rues  :  the  day  when  thev  encountered  the  storm  from  tlie  24th  totlie 
-(lili  of  February  ;  ami  Die  twenty-four  days  last  run  to  twenty-live;  mak- 
ing tlie  landtalt  occur  on  tiie  17th  or  Kllii  of  Marcii  nccordinj^  to  the  mode 
of  calculating  Uie  days  last  run.  As  it  is  .stated,  afterwards,  that  they  eu- 
countcred  a  I'de  irhih  nt  (iiie/ior  <in  the  CiutKt,  enrljj  in  March,  llie  Tth  of 
that  month  must  be;  taken  as  the  time  of  the  hmdfall. 


6 


VKHRAZZANO. 


storm,  this  rivor,  into  wliicli  thoy  had  entered  for  a 
short  distance  with  their  boat,  and  where  theysaw  many 
of  the  natives  in  their  canoes^  they  .sailed  directly  east 
for  eighty  leagues,  when  they  discovered  an  island  of 
triangular  shape,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  main 
land,  equal  in  size  to  the  ifilaii(U)/  lilKxhu.  This  island 
th(;y  named  after  the  mother  of  the  king  of  France. 
Without  landiny  upon  it,  they  pro(;eeded  to  a  liarbor 
fifteen  leagues  beyond,  at  the  entrance  of  a  large  bay, 
tice/ve  leaijuea  broad,  where  they  came  to  anchor  and 
remained  for  fifteen  days.  They  encountered  here  a 
people  with  whom  they  formed  a  great  friendship,  dif- 
ferent in  appearance  from  the  natives  whom  they  first 
saw,  —  these  iiaving  a  white  complexion.  The  men 
were  tall  and  well  formed,  and  the  women  graceful 
and  possessed  of  pleasing  manners.  There  were  two 
kings  among  them,  who  were  attended  in  state  by 
their  gentlemen,  and  a  queen  who  had  her  waiting 
maids.  This  country  was  situated  in  latitude  4P  40' 
N,  in  the  parallel  of  Rome ;  and  was  very  fertile  and 
abounded  with  game.  They  left  it  on  the  Gth  of  May, 
and  sailed  one  hundred  and  lift}'  leagues,  constantly 
in  sight  of  the  land  which  stretched  to  the  east.  In 
this  long  distance  the//  made  no  landiiuj,  but  proceeded 
fifty  leagues  further  along  the  land,  which  inclined 
more  to  the  north,  when  they  went  ashore  and  found 
a  people  exceedingly  barbarous  and  hostile.  Leaving 
them  and  continuing  their  course  northeasterly  for 
fifty  leagues  further,  they  discovered  within  that  dis- 
tance thirty-two  islands.  And  finally,  nfter  having 
sailed  between  east  and  north  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  more,  they  reached  the  fiftieth  degree  of  north 
latitude,  where  the  Portuguese  had  commenced  their 


tercd  for  a 

saw  many 

rectly  eatit 

(1  island  of 

the  main 

.M»is  island 

)f  France. 

a  harbor 

large  bay, 

ichor  and 

od  here  a 

dship,  dif- 

they  first 

TJie  men 

1  graceful 

were  two 

state  by 

['  waiting 

leiP  40' 

irtile  and 

1  of  May, 

oiwtanthj 

east.     In 

)roceeded 

inclined 

nd  found 

Leaving 

erlv  for 

that  diri- 

having 

md  M\y 

(»r  north 

d  their 


Tlir.    VOVACE.  / 

discoveries  towards  tiie  Arctic  circle;  when  finding 
their  provisions  nearly  exhausted,  they  took  in  wood 
and  water  and  I'eturned  to  France,  having  coasted,  it 
is  stated,  along  an  unknown  country  for  seven,  hamfred 
Uauw.8.  In  conclusion,  it  is  added,  they  had  found  it 
inhabited  by  a  peo|»le  without  religion,  but  easily  to  b<; 
persuaded,  and  imitating  with  fervor  the  acts  of  Christ- 
ian worship  performed  by  the  discoverers. 

The  description  of  the  voyage  is  followed  by  what 
ihe  writer  calls  a  cosmography,  in  which  is  shown  the 
distance  they  had  sailed  from  the  time  they  left  the 
desert  rocks  at  Madeira,  and  the  probabb?  size  of 
the  new  world  as  compared  with  the  old,  with  the 
relative  area  of  land  and  water  on  the  whole  globe. 
There  is  nothing  strikiuL-  or  important  in  this  supple- 
ment, except  that  it  emphasizes  and  enforces  the  state- 
nu^nts  of  the  former  part  of  tlu>  letter  in  n'gard  to  the 
landfall,  fixes  the  (;xact  point  of  their  dc'partnre  from 
the  coast  for  home  again  at  50'"  N.  Latitude,  and  gives 
seven  hundred  leagues  as  the  extent  of  the  discovery. 
The  length  of  a  longitudinal  degree  along  the  [larallel 
of  thirty-four,  in  which  it  is  reiterated  they  first  made 
land,  and  between  which  and  the  parallel  of  thirty- 
two  they  had  sailed  from  the  Desertas,  is  calculated 
and  found  to  be  fifty-two  miles,  nnd  the  whole  number 
»)f  degrees  whi(di  they  had  traversed  across  the  ocean 
l»etween  those  parallels,  lieing  twelve  hundred  leagues, 
or  forty-eight  hundred  miles,  is  by  simple  division 
made  ninety-two.  The  oliject  of  this  calculation  is 
not  apparent,  and  strikes  the  reader  as  if  it  were  a 
fi.'el)le  imitation  ol'  the  manner  in  which  Ami'rigo 
\  cspucci  illustrates  his  letters.     A  statement  is  made, 


8 


VERUAZZANO. 


tliat  tlioy  took  the  sun's  altitude  from  day  today,  and 
noted  the  ob.servation.s,  together  with  the  riHe  and  fall 
of  the  tide,  in  a  little  book,  which  was  "  communicated 
to  his  majesty,  in  the  hope   of  promoting   science." 
It  is  also  mentioned  that  they  had  no  lunar  eclipses, 
by  means  of  which  they   coidd  have  ascertained  the 
longitude  during  the  voyage.     This  fact  is  sh<nvn  by 
the  tables  ol"  Rt'giomontanus,  which  had  been  pub- 
lished long  before  the  alleged  voyage,  and  were  open 
to  the  world.     The,  statement  of  it  here,  therefore, 
does  not,  as  has  been  supposed,  furnish  any  evidence 
in  support  of  the  narrative,  byn^nson  of  its  originality. 
Such  is  the  account,  in  brief,  whidi  the  letU'r  gives 
of  the  origin,  nature  and  extent  of  the  all'  led  disco 
very;  and  as 'it  assumes  to  be.thi!  production  of  the 
navigator  iiimself,  and  is  the  only  source  of  intbrma- 
tion  on  the  subject,  it  suggests  all  the  questions  which 
arise  in  this  inquiry.     These  relate  both  tothe  genuine- 
ness of  the  letter,  and  the  truth  of  its  statements  ;  ajid 
accordingly   bring    under   consideration    the   circum- 
stances under  which  that  instrument  was  made  known 
and  has  received  cnulit ;  the  alleged  promotion  of  the 
voyage  by  the  king  of  Fiance  ;  and  the  results  claimed 
to  have  been  accomplislied   thereby'.      It  will  be  made 
to  appear  upon  this  examination,  that  the  letter,  ac- 
cording to  the  evidence  upon  which  its  existence  is 
predicrated,  C(jidd   not  have  b(.!en  written  by   Verraz- 
zano  J  that  the  instrumentality  of  the  king  of  France, 
in  any  such  expedition    oi  discovery  as  therein  de- 
scribed, is  uiisuj)ported  })y  the  history  of  that  country, 
and  is  inconsi><tcnt    with  the    ackjiowledged    acts   of 
Francis  and  his  successors,  and  therefore  incredible  ; 


THE    VOYAGE. 


y 


to  (lav,  and 
ise  autl  Hill 
imunicatt'd 
I   Hcieiico." 
ar  ct'lipse.s, 
rtaineJ  tlic 
shown  by 
been  pub- 
were  open 
theieibre, 
y  evidence 
jriginality. 
ett4>r  gives 
'  ^ed  disco 
ion  of  the 
>f  intbnna- 
oiis  which 
le  genuine- 
icnts  ;  ajid 
e   circuni- 
lie  known 
ion  of  the 
s  <laimed 
>e  made 
ett<jr,  ac- 
istence  is 
Verraz- 
f  Krance, 
Lcrein  d<>- 
conntiy, 
acts   of 
credible  ; 


and  tliat  its  description  of  tlie  coast  and  some  of 
the  physical  characteristics  of  the  people  nnd  of  th«' 
''tiuntry  are  essentially  false,  and  prove  that  the  writer 
could  not  have  made  them  from  his  own  jx'rsonal 
knowlevlge  aiid  experience,  as  preteiuled.  And,  in 
eonclusion.  it  will  tx>  shown  that  its  apparent  know- 
ledge of  the  direction  and  evtent  of  the  coast  was 
dei'ived  from  the  exploration  of  Estevan  (Jome/.,  a  Por- 
tuguese pilot  in  tU<;  service  of  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
thiit  V'erra/zano,  at  the  time  of  his  pretended  discovery, 
was  actually  engagcl  in  a  corsairial  expedition,  sailing 
under  the' French  llag,  in  a  difl'erent  part  of  the  ocean. 


TnK,  Cahavk 


# 


10 


VERRAZZANO. 


II. 


TiiK  Vkruazzano  Letter  not  Genuine. 

No  proof  that  tlu'  lottor  si.-'rribcd  to  V\MTa/-zaiio,  was 
vvrittvn  hy  him,  has  over  bocii  produced.  Tlic  letter 
itself  ha8  never  been  exhibited,  or  referred  to  in  ,my 
'lUithentic  document, or  mentioned  by  any  contem]>orary 
or  hiter  historian  as  being  in  oxistenee,  and  althoiiLdi 
it  falls  within  the  era  of  modern  history,  not  a  single 
fact  which  it  professes  to  describe  relatinjr  to  the  lltting 
out  of  the  exi)edition,  the  voyage,  or  the  discovery, 
is  corroborated  by  other  t<'stimony,  whereby  its  genu- 
ineness might  even  be  inferred.  The  only  evidence  in 
r<;gard  to  it,  ndates  to  two  copies,  as  they  purport  to 
be,  both  in  the  Italian  language,  one  of  them  coining 
to  us  printed  and  the  other  in  manuscript,  but  neither 
of  them  traceable  to  the  alleged  original.  They  are 
both  of  them  of  uncertain  date.  The  printed  copy  ap- 
pears in  the  work  of  Kamusio,  lirst  published  in  looG, 
when  V'errazy.ano  and  Francis  I,  the  parties  to  it,  were 
both«d(>ad,  and  a  generation  of  men  had  almost  passed 
away  since  the  events  which  it  announce(Lhad,  ac- 
cording to  its  authority,  taken  place,  and  probably  no 
one  connected  with  the  government  of  France  at  that 
time  could  have  survived  to  gainsay  the  story,  were 
it  untrue.^     Ramusio  does  not  state  when  (j*-  how  he 


'  Vprni/.ziino  died  in   ir)27;  Louise,  the  nuiilicr  of  FntiK.'i?  1  in  Scptoru- 
bor,  15o2i  luul  Francis  hliiisdr  in  Jtaicli,  1.j47. 


# 


TIIK    I.F.TTKU    NOT   CENI'INE. 


11 


obtained  wliitt  he  piihlisliLMl.  In  the  preFaoe  to  the 
vohiine  in  whicli  it  is  printed,  dated  three  years  before, 
he  merely  speaks  of  the  narrativ(>  ineiflontally,  but  in 
a  discourse  precedin;j:  it,  ho  obscurely  alludos  to  the 
place  where  ho  found  it,  reiruirking  that  it  was  the 
only  letter  of  Vorra/.zano  that  lie  had  "  boon  able  to 
have,  because  the  others  had  gut  astray  in  the  troubles 
of  the  unfortunate  city  of  Florence  "  The  origin  of  the 
manuscript  version  is  equally  involvt^d  in  mystery,  it 
forms  part  of  a  codex  which  contains  also  a  copy  of 
a  letter  purporting  to  have  been  wi'itten  by  Fernando 
('arli.  from  Lyons  to  his  fsither  in  Florence,  on  the  1th 
of  August,  1;V24,  giving  an  account  of  the  arrival  of 
V  orra/.zano  at  Dieppe,  and  inclosing  a  copy  of  his  let- 
ter to  the  King.  The  epistles  of  Carii  and  V'errazzano 
are  thus  connected  together  in  the  manuscript  in  fact, 
and  by  reference  in  Uiat  of  Carli,  making  the  copy  of 
the  Verrazzano  letter  a  part  of  Carli's,  and  so  to  relate 
to  the  same  date.  But  as  the  Carli  letter  in  tlm  manu- 
script is  itself  oidy  a  copy,  there  is  nothing  to  show 
when  that  was  really  written ;  nor  is  it  stated  when 
the  manuscript  itself  was  nuide.  All  that  is  positively 
known  in  regard  to  the  latter  is,  that  it  was  mentioned  , 
in  1768,  as  being  then  in  existence  in  the  Strozzi  library 
in  Florence.  When  it  came  into  that  collection  does 
not  appear,  but  as  that  library  was  not  founded  until 
1G27,  its  history  cannot  bo  traced  bisfore  that  year.^ 
Its  chirograpby,  however,  in  the  opinion  of  some  com- 
petent persons  who  have  examined  it,  indicates  that 
it  was  written  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


*  Iter  Ilalicurn  Von  I).  Fikdrich  lilunw.    Jiaiid  n,  SI.     Hal  If,  1627. 


12 


VKRRAZZAXO. 


Tlioro  Is,  tlu'i'cfore,  nothing  in  tlic  history  or  chanictor 
of  the  puhhciition  in  Kainusio  or  the  nmnnscriiit,  to 
show  that  th(^  lottcr  finanatcd  from  Verra/zano. 
Neither  of  them  istraceable  lo  him  ;  neither  of  them 
was  printed  at  a  time  wht'ii  its  puhlieation,  without 
contradietion,  miirht  l»t'  i'(^<jjank'd  as  an  achnission  or 
acknowK'dgment  by  the  worhl  of  a  genuine  original ; 
and  neither  of  them  is  found  to  have  existed  early 
enough  to  autliori/e  un  inference  in  favor  of  such  an 
original  by  reason  of  tlieir  giving  tlie  earhost  account 
of  th»!  coasts  and  coinitry  claimed  to  have  Ix'cn  dis- 
covenMl.  On  the  contrary,  these  two  documents  of 
themselves,  when  their  nature  and  origin  are  rightly 
umierstood,  serve  to  prove  that  the  Verra/zano  letter 
is  not  a  genuine  production.  For  this  purpose  it  will 
be  necessary  to  state  mon^  luHy  their  history  and 
character. 

The  existence  of  the  copy  winch,  in  consequence  of 
its  connection  in  the  same  manuscript  witii  that  of  the 
Carli  lett(!r,  may  be  designateil  as  the  Carli  version,  is 
first  mentioned  in  an  eulogy  or  life  of  Verrazzano  in 
the  series  of  portraits  of  illustrious  Tuscans,  printed 
in  Florence  in  i7G7-S,  as  existing  in  the  Strozzi 
library.'  Tlie  author  calls  attention  to  the  fact,  that 
it  contains  a  part  of  the  letter  which  is  omitted  l)y 
Ilamusio.  In  another  eulogy  of  the  navigator,  by  a 
different  iiand.  (J,  1*.  (Pelli),  [lut  forth  by  the  same 
j)rinter  in  the  following  year,  the  writer,  referring  to 
the  publication  of  the  letter  of  Kamusio,  states  that  an 
addition  to  it,  describing  the  distances  to  the  places 


•  fi'ru  di  Ritndti  d'  I'oiiiaii  llh'sfri  ToseaiU  con  gli  dog)  idorid  (lei  nmk- 
»uiii.     Vol.  secomto.    Firciizc,  17(18. 


TIIK    I.KTTKK    NOT   CKNI'INK. 


IS 


wlipn*  Vorra/./ano  had  l)Oon,  was  iriHortrd  in  wrlliiif^ 
ill  a  copy  of  tlii-;  work  of  Itaiimsio,  in  the  |»oss('s.sion 
at  tlial  timo  of  tho  ViTra/zano  I'amily  in  Klori'tico. 
These  reforenc(!H  wore  int(Mi(|/L'il  to  show  the  existence 
of  tlie  co»ino<rrai)hy,  which  Tiraboschi  afterwaAis 
iiientionrs  giving,  hcnvever,  the  i"rst  named  eidogy  aw 
liis  authority.  No  portion  of  tlie  ^'arli  copy  ajipeared 
ill  print  until  ISI  I,  wlien  throe.gli  the  instrnmentality 
of  Mr.  (5n!ene,  the  American  consul  at  Uuine,  it  was 
printed  in  the  coUeiitionH  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  accompanied  by  a  transhition  into  English  by 
the  late  Dr.  Cogswell.  It  was  sid)se(piently  prinlt-d  in 
the  Archivio  Storico  Italiano  at  Florence,  in  18")3, 
with  some  immatfrial  corrections,  and  a  pndiminary 
discourse  on  Verra/y.ano,  by  M.  Arcangeli.  Fi'om  an 
inspection  of  the  eodex  in  the  library,  where  it  ilu'.n 
existed  in  Florence,  M.  Arcang«'li  supposes  tin;  nninu- 
script  was  written  in  tin;  luiridle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
ti;ry.  This  identical  copy  was,  therefore,  probably  in 
existence  when  Kamusio  jjublished  his  work.  Upon 
t'ompann«j  the  letter  as  jriven  by  Kamusio  with  the 
nianuscripi,  the  former,  besides  wanting  the  ctjsmo- 
graphy,  is  found  to  differ  from  the  latter  almost  entirely 
in  language,  aiid  vcuy  matei  ially  in  substance,  though 
agreeing  with  it  in  its  elementary  character  and  pur- 
pose. The  two,  therefore,  cannot  l»e  copies  of  the 
same  orig"*nl.  Either  tliey  are  different  versions  from 
some  other  language,  or  one  of  them  must  be  a  recom- 
position  of  the  other  in  tlie  language  in  which  they 
now  are  found.  In  regard  to  their  being  both  trans- 
lated from  the  French,  the  only  other  language  in 
which  the  letter  can  be  supposed  to  have  be<!n  *vritteu 


11 


^'^:HRA7:z\N(). 


l)esi(loH  tilt'  native  toiijriie  of  Vtfrrazzano.  altlH)u;;li  it 
is  iii(i(»«'(l  most  ivHS()iial)l«;  U»  siippoHc  that  hucIi  a  It'ttor, 
addrosst'd  to  the  kin^  of  Fraiu'c,  on  thi;  results  of  an 
exp'dition  of  tho  crown,  hy  an  officer  in  his  service, 
would  have  been  written  in  that  language,  it  is,  never- 
theless, hiiihly  iniprohable  that  any  letter  conld.  in 
this  instance,  have  hetMi  so  adilressed  to  the  King, 
and  two  dillerent  translations  made  Iroin  it  into 
Italian,  one  hy  Carli  in  Lyons  in  1-'»21,  and  thi'  other 
by  Kanuisio  in  N^^nice  twenty-nin<'  y(^ars  afterwards, 
and  yet  no  co[)y  of  it  in  Kniich.  or  any  memorial  of 
its  exi.stenee  in  that  lanuuaixe  be  known.  This  ex- 
planation must  tlu^refore  be  abandoned.  If  on  the 
other  hand,  one  of  these  copies  was  so  rendered  from 
the  French,  or  from  an  orijrinal  in  either  form  in 
which  it  appears  in  Italian,  whether  by  V^erra/zano 
or  not,  the  other  must  have  been  rewritten  from  it. 
It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  Carli  version  <;ould 
not  have  lieen  «lerived  from  that  contained  in  Kaiuusio, 
because  it  contains  an  entire  part  conai.^tinj^  of  several 
pages,  embracing  the  cosmouraphical  explanations  of 
the  voyage,  not  (bund  in  the  latter.  A  s  we  are  restricted 
to  these  two  copies  as  the  sole  authority  for  the  letter, 
and  are,  therefore,  governed  in  any  conclusion  on  this 
subject  by  what  th(;y  teach,  it  must  be  determined 
that  the  letter  in  Kamusio  is  a  version  of  that  contained 
in  the  (Jarli  manuscript.  This  suggestion  is  not  new. 
It  was  made  by  Mr.  Greene  in  iiis  monograi)h  on 
Vorra/.zano,  without  his  following  it  to  the  conclusion  to 
which  it  inevitably  leads.  Tf  the  version  in  Hamusio 
be  a  recomi)osition  of  the  Carli  copy,  an  important  step 
is  gained  towards  determining  the  origin  of  the  Verraz- 


Tin;    I.KTTKK    NOT   fiKNirNK. 


15 


/'ino  U'ttcr.  UP  in  tlmt  caso  tlio  inquiry  \h  hroujrht  down 
to  tlu'  considriiition  of  the  authenticity  of  the  Carli 
h'ttor,  of  which  it  forms  a  part,  lint  iM'foro  proceeding 
to  that  question,  th(  ivanonn  aHsipied  \)y  Mr.  (Ireene, 
iind  some  incidental  laetH  stated  by  him  in  connection 
with  them,  should  be  fi;iven.     He  says  : 

'•  Tlur  Str'i7,/.i  Jiiliriiry  in  no  li)n;;or  in  exisu^nco  ;  h\xt  tin;  inunii- 
.icripts  lit'  that  tH»lli<'ti(tn  pa8^lcll  into  tho  haniln  of  the  TuMciin 
Kovcrnuivui,  uud  weru  divided  between  tho  Mu^liubechiiiri  mid 
liiiiireiitian  lilirarioi*  of  Fltirencc.  Tlie  hiHtorieul  dix^unieiitHH  wuro 
lit'jHisited  in  the  tWrnicr.  Ainorifr  them  was  tho  eoMniofinijiliicul  niir- 
riiiion  of  Venuzzann  meutioned  by  Tiraboschi,  and  which  Mr. 
liuneroi't  el|iri:Hbe!!i  u  doiilro  to  hoo  copied  for  tho  tlifltorical  Society 
(if  Now  York.  It  is  contained  in  a  volume  ol  Mihteliuniet*,  marked 
'•  l'hi!<!<  Xill.  Cod.  Slf  Verraz  ;"  and  forms  the  oouelndinjjr  portion 
of  the  letter  to  FranciH  the  First,  which  is  copied  at  length  in  the 
same  volume.  It  in  written  in  the  common  running  hand  of  the 
sixteenth  eentury  (vitrriutija  romint),  tolerably  dititinet,  but  badly 
[nintcd.  The  whole  volume,  which  is  composed  of  miscellaneous 
pi<ceH,  chiefly  relating  to  contemporary  history,  is  evidently  the  i/ior/i* 
of  the  snni)'.  h<m<l. 

•■  Ip'in  collating;  thii!  manuscript  with  that  part  of  the  letter  which 
wa.s  published  by  Ilaniusio,  we  were  struck  with  the  ditferences  in 
lanj^uagc  which  run  throujrh  every  paragraph  of  the  two  texts.  In 
substance  there  is  no  iiMjiortant  difTerenee,'  except  in  one  instance, 
wbcri'.  by  an  evi<lent  blunder  of  the  transcriber,  hiunchinniino  is 
put  for  hranzlno.  There  is  something  so  peculiar  in  the  style  of  this 
letter,  as  it  reads  in  the  manuscript  of  the  Magliabeehian.  that  it  is 
iiii|.ossible  to  account  for  its  variations  from  Itamusio,  except  by 
-upjiosing  that  this  editor  worked  the  whole  piece  over  anew,  cor- 
recting the  errors  of  language  upon   his  own   authority.-'     These 

'  In  this  statement  Mr.  ('•nvne  wan  mlstakdi,  as  will  lie  manit'ested  in  a 
(oni|i:iri.son  of  the  two  texts  lierr'after  given,  in  whicli  the  diH'erenoe  of 
i:iiiL:iiagf  \s  ill  als<i  appear. 

'  Mr.  Greene  adtls  in  a  note  to  this  i)a88age  •  "  He  ilid  so  also  witli  the  trans- 
lation of  .Marco  Polo.  See  Aindtoli)  Zitno,  Aiinot.  alia  Bib  Ilal.  ilcl  Y^^n- 
liuiini.  toil).  II,  p.  iiOO;  cd.  ill  Parma.  1S04."  TIktc  is  anotlur  instance 
nu'iitiuncil  liy  Aniorctti,  in  the  preface  t(j  his  translation  of  Pigafcita's  jour- 
iiiil  ol  Maudlan's  voyage,  ant!  that  was  with  Falini's  translation  of  the 
co]\v  of  the  journal  given  liy  Pignfetta  to  the  mother  of  Francis  I.  l\e- 
iiiicr  i-oyityt  iiutour  tin  ttumcle.     xxxii.     (Jausen,  Paris  fan  ix.) 


16 


VERRAZZANO. 


errors  indeed  are  numerous,  and  the  whole  exhibits  a  strange  mix- 
ture of  Latinisms  •  and  absohite  barbarisms  with  pure  Tuscan  words 
and  phrases.  The  general  cast  of  it,  however,  is  simple  and  not 
unpleasing.  The  obscurity  of  luany  of  the  sentences  is,  in  a  great 
measure,  owing  to  false  pointing.  * 

"  The  cosmographical  description  forms  the  last  three  pages  of 
the  letter.  It  was  doubtless  intiMitionally  omitted  by  llamusio,  though 
it  would  be  difficult  to  say  why.  Some  of  the  readings  are  appa- 
rently corrupt;  nor,  ignorant  as  we  are  of  nautical  science,  was  it 
in  our  power  to  correct  them.  There  arc  also  some  slight  mistakes, 
whicli  must  be  attributed  to  the  transcriber. 

"  A  letter  which  follows  that  of  Vorrazzano,  gives,  as  it  seems  to 
us,  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  origin  of  this  manuscript.  It 
was  written  by  a  young  Florentine,  named  Fernando  Cfirli,  and  is 
addressed  I'rom  Lyons  to  his  father  in  Florence.  It  mentions  tbi- 
arrival  of  Verrazzano  at  Dietipe,  and  contains  several  circumstanceh' 
about  bim,  wliich  throw  a  new  though  still  a  feeble  light  upon  pa.-ts 
of  hi.-*  historj',  hitherto  wholly  unknown.  It  is  by  the  discovery 
of  this  letter,  that  we  have  been  enabled  to  form  a  sketch  of  him, 
somewhat  more  complete  than  any  which  'las  ever  yet  been  given. 

"  The  history  of  both  nianu,scripts  is  pr  ably  as  follows:  Carli 
wrote  to  his  father,  thinking,  as  he  himsel  ells  it,  that  the  news  of 
Verrazzano's  return  would  give  gi'eat  satisfaction  to  many  of  their 
friends  in  Florence.  He  added  at  the  same  time,  and  this  also  we 
loarn  from  his  own  words,  a  copy  of  Verrazzano's  letter  to  the  king, 
lioth  his  letter  and  his  copy  of  Verrazzano's  were  intended  to  hi; 
shown  to  his  Florentine  acquaintances,  ("opies,  as  is  usual  in  such 
eases,  wore  taken  of  them  ;  and  to  us  it  seems  evident  that  from  some 
one  of  these  the  copy  in  the  Magliabochian  manuscript  was  derived. 
The  appearance  of  this  last,  which  was  prepared  i'or  some  individual 
fond  of  follecting  miscellaneous  documents,  if  uot  by  him,  is  a  suflS- 
cient  corroboration  of  our  statement."  - 


Adopting  tlie  Carli  copy  as  the  primitive  tbrm  ol" 
the  Verraz/ano  letter,  and  the  Carli  letter  aa  the 
original  means  by  which  it  has  been  communicated  to 


'  An  instance  of  these  Latinisms  is  the  signature  "  Janus  Vcrrazzanus,'' 
•.iffl.\c<l  to  tlie  letter. 

'  JlixUmml  Studifn:  by  (..'corgc  Washington  Greene,  New  York,  1850; 
p.  32;5.  Life  and  Vnyngim  of  r(;?T((ij(^/«' (liy  tlie  ,sa,mc),  in  tlie  Nurth  Aimri- 
mil  Jievkw  for  October,  1837.    (Vol.  45,  p.  30(5). 


THE    I.KTTEU    NOT   GENUINE. 


17 


stranp^e  mix- 
'tiscan  word.-* 
iple  and  not 
8,  in  a  great 

roe  papes  of 
lusio,  though 
gs  are  appa- 
ioiice,  was  it 
;iit  luistakctj. 

IS  it  seems  to 
iiuscript.  It 
Carli.  and  is 
rucntiona  the 
ircuuistances 
It  upon  pa.'ts 
he  discovery 
ctcli  of  him, 

been  given. 

lows :  Carli 
.  the  news  of 
any  of  their 

this  also  we 

to  the  king. 

udod  to  be 
i.sual  in  such 

t  friiin  :r>i)mr 
was  derived. 

e  individual 

ui,  is  a  buIB 


0  Ibrm  of 
ar  as  the 
licated  to 

crrazzanus,''' 

Yorh.,  1850 ; 
\i>rth  Anieri- 


the  world,  the  inquuy  is  resolved  into  iht  authenticity 
of  the  (.^irli  letter.  There  are  sulFicient  reasons  to 
denounce  this  letter  as  a  pure  invention  ;  and  in  order 
to  present  those  reasons  more  clearly,  we  here  give  a 
trant;lation  of  it  in  full : 

Letter  of  Fernando  Carli  to  Jus  Father. ' 

lu  the  name  of  God. 

4  August,  ir)24. 
}Ionoral)lo  rather : 

Considering  that  when  I  was  in  the  armada  in  Uarbary  at  (.irarbich 
the  news  were  advised  you  daily  from  the  illustrious  Sig.  Don  Hugo 
de  Moiicada,  Captain  Gcueral  of  the  Cu'saroan  Majesty  in  those 
barbarous  parts. "[of  what]  happened  in  contending  with  the  Moors 
of  tliiit  island  ;  by  which  it  appears  you  caused  pliiusure  to  many  of 
our  patr':ns  and  friends  and  congratulated  yourselves  on  the  victory 
achieved  :  so  there  being  here  news  recently  of  the  arrival  of  Captain 
Giovanni  da  Verrazzano,  our  Fiorentiiu',  at  the  port  of  J,)ieppe,  in 
Normandy,  with  his  ship,  the  Dauphiny,with  which  he  sailed  from  the 
('auary  islan Ji  the  end  uf  last  January,  to  go  in  search  of  new  lands 
for  this  most  serctie  crown  of  France,  in  which  he  displayed  very 
noble  and  great  eotirage  in  undertaking  .-^uch  an  unkm.wii  voyage 
with  only  one  ship,  which  was  a  caravel  of  hardly  —  tons,  with  only 
fifty  men.  with  the  intention,  if  possible,  of  discovering  Catiiay,  taking 
a  cour.se  through  other  climates  than  tiiose  the  Portuguese  use  in 
re.iching  it  by  the  way  of  Calicut,  but  going  towards  the  northwest 
and  north,  entirely  believing  that,  although  I'tolemy,  Aristotle  and 
other  cosuiograpbcrs  iiffir4ii  tlitit  no  land  is  to  bo  found  cowards  such 
climates,  he  would  tind  it  there  nevertheless.  And  so  God  has 
viiiicli.safed  him  as  he  distinctly  describes  in  a  letter  of  his  to  this 
S.  M. ;  of  which,  in  this,  there  i."  a  cop//.  And  for  want  of  provi- 
sions, after  many  months  spent  in  navigating,  he  asserts  he  was 
f  irced  to  return  from  that  hemisphere  into   this,  and  having  been 


'  Till'  letter  ol'  Carli  was  first  publislicd  in  1844,  with  the  discourse  of 
Mr.  Greene  on  Verrn/.zano,  in  tin-  Siyf/uttore  (i, '.i."iT),  a  Uonian  journal 
of  hisiory,  tlie  tine  arts  ami  philology.  (M  Arcangeli,  DincorM  nopra 
GiotuiiiU  du  Vcrrnz'.ah-i,  p.  8."),  in  Air/iitio  Storlco  Itnluiuo.  .Vi)|)eiutice 
torn.  i\.)  It  will  be  found  in  our  appendix,  according  to  the  reprint  in  the 
latter  work. 


18 


VERRAZZANO. 


seven  months  on  ihe  voyiipo,  to  show  a  very  great  and  rapid  passage, 
and  to  have  achieved  a  wonderful  and  most  extraordinary  feat 
according  to  those  who  understand  tlu^  soaniansliip  of  the  worhl.  Of 
which  at  the  eoiumencenient  of  his  said  voyage  there  was  an  unfa- 
vorable opinion  formed,  and  many  thought  there  would  he  no  more 
nowM  either  of  him  or  of  his  vessel,  but  that  he  might  be  lost  on 
that  side  of  Norway,  in  consequence  of  the  great  ice  which  is  in 
that  northern  ocean  ;  but  the  Great  God,  as  the  Moor  said,  in  order 
to  give  us  every  day  proofs  of  his  infinite  power  and  show  us  how 
admirable  is  this  worldly  machine,  has  disclosed  to  him  a  breadth  of 
liiud,  as  you  will  perci'ive.  of  such  extent  tliat  according  to  good  rea- 
sons, and  the  degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude,  he  alleges  and  shows 
it  greater  than  Europe.  Africa  and  a  part  of  Asia  ;  erijo  mundm 
710VUS:  and  this  exclusive  of  what  tlie  Spaniards  have  discovered  in 
several  years  in  the  west ;  as  it  is  hardly  a  year  since  Fernando 
IMagellan  returned,  who  discovered  a  great  country  with  one  ship  out 
of  the  five  sent  on  the  discovery.  From  whence  he  brought  spices 
much  more  excellent  than  the  usual ;  and  of  his  other  ships  no  niiws 
has  transpired  for  five  years.  They  are  supposed  to  be  lost.  What 
this  our  captain  has  brought  he  does  not  state  in  this  letter,  except 
a  very  young  man  taken  from  those  countries;  but  it  is  supposed  he 
has  brought  a  sample  of  gold  which  they  do  not  value  in  those  parts, 
and  of  drugs  and  other  aromatic  liquors  for  the  purpose  of  confer- 
ring here  with  several  merchants  after  he  shall  have  been  in  the 
presence  of  the  Most  Serene  Jlajesty.  7ind  at  this  liour  he  ought 
to  be  there,  and  from  choice  to  come  here  shortly,  as  he  is  much  de- 
sired in  order  to  converse  with  him  ;  the  more  .so  that  he  will  find 
here  the  Majesty,  the  King,  our  Lord,  who  is  expected  herein  three 
or  lour  days.  And  we  hope  that  S,  M.  will  entrust  him  again  with 
half  a  dozen  good  vessels  and  that  he  will  return  to  the  voyage. 
And  if  our  Francisco  (Jarli  be  returned  from  Cairo,  advise  him  to 
go,  at  a  venture,  on  the  said  voyage  with  him;  and  I  believe  they 
were  ac(juaintcd  at  (lairo  where  he  has  been  several  years  ,  and  not 
only  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  hut  almost  through  all  the  known  world, 
and  thence  by  reason  of  his  merit  is  esteemed  another  Amerigo 
Vespucci,  an(jther  Fernando  Magellan  and  even  more  ;  and  we  hope 
that  being  provided  with  other  g(_;od  ships  and  vessels,  well  built,  aud 
properly  victualled,  he  may  discover  some  profitable  traffic  and  mat- 
ter ;  and  will,  our  l^ord  God  granting  him  life,  do  hr 'or  to  our 
country,  in  acquiring  immortal  fame  and  memory.  And  Alderotto 
Brunelleschi  who  started  with  him  and  by  chance  turning  back  was 
not  willing  to  accompany  him   further,  will,  when  he  hears  of  this, 


V 


THE    LETTER   NOT   GENUINE. 


19 


be  rliscontenteJ.  Notliinji;  else  iidw  occurs  to  mo,  as  I  liave  adviseii 
you  by  utliors  of  wliat  is  necessary.  I  couiiaeiid  myself  cunstautly 
to  you,  praying  you  to  impart  this  to  our  friends,  not  forf^etting 
I'iorfrancjsco  l^afiaf^liiaho  who  iu  consequence  of  being  an  experi- 
enced person  will  take  niucli  pleasure  in  it,  and  commend  me  to  him. 
Likewise  to  llu.stichi,  who  will  not  be  displeased,  if  he  delit^ht,  as 
usual,  in  learning  matters  of  cosmography.  God  guard  you  from  all 
evil.  Your  son. 

Fkrnando  Cakli,  in  Lyons. 

Tliis  letter  bears  date  only  twenty-seven  days  after 
that  ol'  the  V'errazzano  letter,  which  is  declared  to 
be  inclosed.  To  discover  its  fraudulent  nature  and  the 
imposition  it  seeks  to  practise,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
bear  this  fact  in  mind,  with  its  pretended  origin,  in 
connection  with  the  warlike  condition  oi'  France  and 
the  personal  movements  of  the  king,  immediately 
preceding  and  during  the  interval  between  the  dates 
of  the  two  letters.  It  purports  to  have  been  written 
by  Fernando  Carli  to  his  father  in  Florence,  (.'arli 
is  not  an  uncommon  Italian  name  and  probably  ex- 
isted in  Florence  at  thf  .t  time;;  but  who  this  Fernando 
was,  has  never  transpired.  He  gives  in  this  letter  all 
there  is  of  his  biography,  which  is  snort.  He  had 
formerly  been  in  the  service  of  the  empe  -or,  Charles  V, 
under  Moiicada,  in  the  fleet  sent  against  the  Moors 
m  Harliary.  and  was  then  in  Lyons,  where,  it  might 
be  mlerred,  from  a  reference  to  its  merchants,  tliat  he 
wr.,s  engaged  in  some  mercantile  pursuit ;  but  the 
reason  of  his  ])resence  there  is  really  unaccounted  for. 
It  IS  not  pretended  that  he  held  any  official  position 
under  the  king  of  France.  The  name  of  his  father, 
by  means  of  which  his  lineage  might  be  traced,  is 
not  m(Miti(^Bgd,  but  Francisco  Carli  is  named  as  of  the 
>imie  famflP'J&ut  without  designating  his  relationship. 


20 


VERRAZZANd. 


Wliotlicr  a  until  or  a,  reality,  Fernando  sooms  to  have 
Itcuii  an  obseiu'e  person,  at  the  best;  not  known  to 
the  political  or  literary  history  of  the  period,  and  not 
])roressing  to  occujiy  any  iwsltion,  by  which  he  mij^hl 
be  supposed  to  have  any  liieili ty  or  advantage  for 
obtaininir  olHcial  information  or  the  news  of  tlie  day, 
over  the  other  inhabitants  of  Lyons  and  of  France, 
lie  is  made  to  say  that  he  writes  this  letter  for  the 
particular  purpose  of  communicating  to  his  father 
and  their  friends  in  Florence,  the  news,  which  had 
reached  Lyons,  of  the  arrival  of  Verraz/ano  from  his 
wonderful  and  successful  voyage  of  discovery,  and  that 
he  had  advised  his  parent  of  all  other  matters  touching 
his  own  interests,  by  another  conveyance.  .It  might 
be  supposed  and  indeed  reasonably  expected  in  a  lett<;r 
thus  expressly- devoted  to  A''errazzano,  that  some  cir- 
cumstance, personal  or  otherwise,  connected  with  the 
navigator  or  the  voyage,  or  some  incident  of  his  dis- 
covery, besides  what  was  contained  in  the  encdosed  let- 
tin',  such  as  must  have  reached  Lyons,  with  the  news 
of  the  return  of  the  expedition,  would  have  been  men- 
tioned, especially,  as  it  would  all  have  been  interesting 
to  Florentines.  But  notiiing  of  the  kind  is  related. 
Nothing  appears  in  the  letter  in  regard  to  tlie  expedi- 
tion that  is  not  found  in  the  Verrazzano  letter.' 
What  is  stated  in  referen(^e  to  the  previous  life  of 
Verrazzano;  must  have  l)een  as  well  known  to  Carli's 
father  as  to  himself,  if  it  were  true,  and  is  therefore 


'Mr  (ireciic,  ill  Ii'h  li''"  of  Vornr/.zaiio,  remarls-*  tliai  it  ap])(!ar.s  from 
('aili\  kttci,  Uiai  \\\('  Imliaii  boy  whom  Yeira/z^aiu)  i.s  slated  to  jiavi'  lai- 
I'icil  iiw.iv,  arrivL'd  safely  in  Frauci';  hut.  tliat  i«  not  so  What  is  i>aid  in 
Uiai  It'll ur  is",  tliat  Vcrrazzaiio  docs  iiol  lucution  tn.  hin  (f<;|i|wliul  h<'  had 
broiiKhl  home,  exctpt  this  boy  A 


THE    LETTER  NOT  GENUINE. 


21 


unnecessarily  introduced,  and  the  same  may  be  said 
of  the  facts  stated  in  regard  to  Brunelleschi's  starting 
oil  the  voyage  with  Verrazzano  and  afterwards  curning 
back.  The  particular  description  of  Dagaghiano  and 
Rustichi,  botli  of  Florence,  the  one  as  a  man  of  expe- 
rience and  the  other  as  a  sudent  of  cosmography,  was 
oipially  superfluous  in  speaking  of  them  to  his  father. 
Tiiese  portions  of  the  letter  look  like  flimsy  artifices 
to  give  the  main  story  the  appearance  of  truth.  They 
may  or  may  not  have  been,  true,  and  it  is  not  incon- 
sistent with  an  intention  to  deceive  in  regard  to  the 
voyage  that  they  should  have  been  either  the  one  or 
the  other.  A  single  allusion,  however,  is  made  to  the 
critical  condition  of  aflairs  in  France  and  the  stirring 
.scenes  which  were  being  enacted  on  either  side  of  the 
city  of  Lyons  at  the  moment  the  letter  bears  date.  It 
is  the  mention  of  the  expected  arrival  of  the  king  at 
Lyons  within  three  or  four  days.  It  is  not  stated  for 
what  purpose  he  was  coming,  but  the  fact  was  that 
Francis  had  taken  the  field  in  person  to  repel  the 
Spanish  invasion  in  the  south  of  France,  and  was  then 
on  his  way  to  that  portion  o.  his  kingdom,  by  way  of 
Lvons,  where  he  arrived  a  few  davs  afterwards.  The 
reference  to  this  march  of  the  king  fixes  beyond  all 
question  the  date  of  the  letter,  as  really  intended  for 
the  4th  of  August,  L524. 

The  movements  of  Francis  at  this  crisis  become 
importan|,  in  view  of  the  possibility  of  the  publication 
in  iuiy  form  of  the  Verrazzano  Jetter  at  Lyons,  at  the 
last  mentioned  date,  or  of  the  possession  of  ii  copy  of  it 
there  as  claimed  by  Carli  in  his  letter.  The  army  of 
the  emperor,  under  Pcscara  and  Bourbon,  crossed  the 


22 


VERRAZZANC. 


Alps  and  entered  Provence  (sarly  in  July,  and  before 
the  date  of  the  Verrazzano  letter.^  The  intention  to 
do  so  was  known  by  Francis  some  time  previously. 
He  wrote  on  the  28th  of  June  irom  Araboise,  near 
Tours,  to  the  Proven(;aux  that  he  would  march  imme- 
diately to  tlieir  relief;^  and  on  the  2d  of  July  he 
announced  in  a  letter  to  his  parliament :  "  I  am  going 
to  Lyons  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  entering  the 
kingdom,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  Charles  de  Bour- 
bon is  not  yet  in  France."''  He  had  left  his  residence 
at  Blois  and  his  capital,  and  was  thus  actually  engaged 
in  collecting  his  forces  together,  on  the  8th  of  July, 
when  the  Verrazzano  letter  is  dated.  He  did  not 
reach  Lyons  until  after  the  4th  of  August,  as  is  cor- 
rectly stated  in  the  Carli  letter.^ 

The  author  of  the  Carli  letter,  whether  the  person 
lie  pretends  to  have  been  or  not,  asserts  that  news  of 
the  arrival  of  Verrazzano  at  Dieppe  on  his  return  from 
his  voyage  of  discovery  had  reached  Lyons,  and  that 
the  navigator  himself  was  expected  soon  to  be  in  that 
city  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  its  merchants 
on  the  subject  of  the  new  countries  which  he  had  dis- 
covered, and  had  described  in  a  letter  to  tiie  king,  a 
copy  of  which  letter  was  enclosed.  He  thus  explicitly 
declares  not  only  that  news  of  the  discovery  had 
readied  Lyons,  but  that  tlie  letter  to  the  king  was 
known  to  the  merchants  at  that  place,  and  that  a  copy 


'  Letter  of  Unurbon.     Dyer's  Europe,  442.  * 

'aismondi,  \vr, 'ilfi,  317.       • 

°  Giiillniil,  Ifiatoive  dc  Fruneois  Pirimer,  torn,  tii,  173  (Paris,  17C9). 

*  Letter  of  Monciidii  in  JJor.  infd.  para,  la  Hist,  de,  LMjiiuia,  toiu.  x.viv, 
40:i,  and  Letters  of  Pace  to  Wolsey  in  State  Papers  of  tli£  reiyit  of  Henry 
VUI,  vol.  IV,  Part  i,  ns'j,  000. 


rilK    LETTEH    NOT   GENli'INE. 


23 


the 


icitly 
had 
I  was 
copy 


xxrv, 
Ihiiry 


of  it  was  then  actually  in  his  possession  and  sent  with 
his  own.  The  result  of  the  expedition  was,  therefore, 
notorious,  and  the  letter  had  attained  general  puhlicity 
at  Lyons,  without  the  presence  there  of  either  Francis 
or  V'errazzano. 

This  statement  must  be  false.  Granting  that  such 
a  letter,  as  is  ascribed  to  Verrazzano,  had  been  written, 
it  was  impossible  that  this  obscure  young  man  at 
Lyons,  hundreds  of  miles  from  Dieppe,  Paris  and 
Blois,  away  from  the  king  and  court  and  from  Verraz- 
zano,  not  only  at  a  great  distance  from  them  all,  but 
at  the  point  to  which  the  king  was  hastening,  and 
had  not  reached,  on  his  way  to  the  scene  of  Avar  in  the 
southern  portion  of  his  kingdom,  could  have  come 
into  the  possession  of  this  document  in  less  than  a 
month  after  it  purports  to  have  been  written  for  the 
king  in  a  port  far  in  the  north,  on  the  coast  of  Nor- 
mandy. It  obviously  could  not  have  Ijeen  delivered 
to  him  personally  by  Verrazzano,  who  had  not  been 
at  Lyons,  nor  could  it  have  been  transmitted  to  him 
by  the  navigator,  who  had  not  yet  presented  himself 
before  the  king,  and  could  have  had  no  authority  to 
communicate  it  to  any  person.  It  Avas  an  official 
report,  addressed  to  the  kiug,  and  intended  for  his 
eye  alone,  until  the  monarch  himself  chose  \a>  make 
it  public.  It  related  to  an  enterprise  of  the  crown, 
and  eminently  concerned  its  interests  and  prerogatives, 
in  the  magnitude  and  importance  of  the  new  countries ; 
and  could  not  have  been  sent  by  Verrazzano,  without 
permission,  to  a  private  person,  and  especially  a  for- 
eigner, without  subjecting  himself  to  the  charge  of 
disloyalty,  if  not  of  treason,  which  there  is  no  other 


24 


VERRAXZANO. 


evidence  to 'sustain.  On  the  other  hand  it  could  not 
have  been  delivered  by  the  king  to  this  C'arli.  It  is 
not  probable,  even  if  such  a  letter  could  have  come 
into  the  hands  of  Francis,  absent  from  his  capital  in 
the  midst  of  warlike  preparations,  engaged  in  forming 
his  army  and  en  route  for  the  scene  of  the  invasion, 
that  he  could  have  given  it  any  consideration.  But  if . 
he  had  received  it  and  considered  its  import,  tliore  was 
no  official  or  other  relation  between  him  and  Carli,  oi; 
any  motive  for  him  to  send  it  forward  in  advance 
of  his  coming  to  Lyons,  to  this  young  and  obscure 
alien.  There  was  no  possibility,  therefore,  of  Carli 
obtaining  possession  of  a  private  copy  of  the  letter 
through  V^errnzzano  or  the  king. 

The  only  way  open  to  him,  under  the  most  favorable 
circumstances,  would  have  been  through  some  pub- 
licity, by  proclamation  or  printing,  by  order  of  the 
king;  in  which  case,  it  would  have  been  given  for  the 
benefit  of  all  his  subjects.  It  is  impossible  that  it 
could  have  been  seen  and  copied  by  this  young  for- 
eigner alone  and  in  the  city  of  Lyons,  and  that  no 
other  copies  would  have  been  preserved  in  all  France. 
The  idea  of  a  publication  is  thus  forbidden. 

No  alternative  remains  except  to  pronounce  the 
whole  story  a  fabrication.  The  Carli  letter  is  untrue. 
It  did  not  inclose  any  letter  of  Verrazzano  of  the 
character  pretended.  And  as  it  is  the  only  authority 
for  the  existence  of  any  such  letter,  that  falls  with  it. 


NO  DISCOVEUV    MADK    KOK    KRAN(  IS    1. 


25 


III. 


Thk  Letter  untruk.    I.  No  Voyaoe  or  Discovery  made 
FOR  THE  King  of  B'rance,  as  it  >tates. 

All  the  circumstances  relating  to  the  cxi.stenoc  of 
the  V'tuTazzano  letter  thus  prove  that  it  was  not  the 
production  of  Verrazzano  at  tlu;  time  unci  place  it 
purports  to  have  been  written  by  him.  We  pass  now 
to  the  question  of  its  authenticity,  embracing  the 
consideration  of  its  own  statements  and  the  external 
evidence  which  exists  upon  the  subject. 

The  letter  professes  to  give  the  origin  and  results  of 
the  voyage  ;  that  is,  the  agency  of  the  king  of  France 
in  ^^ending  forth  the  expedition,  and  the  discoveries 
actually  accomplished  by  it.  In  both  respects  it  is 
essentially  untrue.  It  commences  by  declaring  that 
Verrazzano  sailed  under  the  orders  and  on  behalf  of 
the  king  of  France,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  new 
countries,  and  that  the  account  then  presented  was  a 
description  of  tlie  discoveries  made  in  pursuance  of 
such  instructions.  That  no  such  voyage  or  discoveries 
were  made  for  that  monarch  is  clearly  deducible  from 
the  history  of  France.  Neither  the  letter,  nor  any 
document,  chronicle,  memoir,  or  history  of  any  kind, 
public  or  private,  printed  or  in  manuscri})t,  belonging 
to  that  period,  or  tlie  reign  of  Francis  1,  who  then  bore 
the  crown,  mentioning  or  in  any  manner  referring  to 
4 


2(5 


VF.KHAZZANO. 


it.  or  to  llic  voNaji"*'  iunl  «lis('(ivi'r\ ,  luis  cvor  hern  round 
ill  I'Viiiicc;  iinti  ncitluT  l*'riin<'iH  hiinsclf,  nor  iiny  ol' 
Ills  successors,  over  ackiiciwledgcd  or  in  any  manner 
rccogni/cd  such  discovery,  or  asserted  under  it  any 
rif;l)t  to  the  possession  ol"  tiic  cuntry;  hut,  on  the 
contrary,  hoth  he  and  th«'y  i^^norcd  it,  in  undertaking 
eyh)ni/ation  in  that  rc'iion  I»v  \irtu<'  ol"  other  disco- 
veries  made  under  their  authority,  or  with  their 
permission,  hy  their  subjects. 

I.  That  no  evidence  ol"  the  Verra/zano  discovery 
ever  existed  in  France,  is  not  only  necessarily  pre- 
sumed from  the  circumstance  that  none  has  over  been 
produced,  but  is  inferentially  established  by  the  fact 
that  all  the  French  writers  and  historians,  who  have 
had  occasion  to  consider  the  subject,  have  derived 
their  inlbimation  in  regard  to  it  from  the  Italiati 
so-called  (;opies  of  the  letter,  and  until  recently  from 
that  in  liamusio  alone.  No  allusion  to  the  discovery, 
by  any  of  them,  occurs  until  several  years  after  the 
work  of  Ramusio  was  published,  when  for  the  first 
time  it  is  mentioned  in  the  account  written  by  Hibault, 
in  15G3,  of  his  voyage  to  Florida  and  attempted  colo- 
nization at  Port  Koyal  in  iSoutli  Carolina,  in  the 
previous  year.  Hibault  speaks  of  it  very  brieily,  in 
connection  with  the  discoveries  of  Sebastian  Cabot  and 
others,  as  having  no  ])ractical  results,  and  states  that 
he  had  deriv(;d  his  information  in  regard  to  it,  from 
what  Verrazzano  had  written,  thus  clearly  referring  to 
the  letter,  lie  adds  that  Verrazzano  made  another 
voyage  to  America  afterwards,  "whereat  last  he  died." 
As  Ramusio  is  the  only  authority  known  for  the  lat- 
ter statement,  it  is  evident  that  Hibault  must  have  had 


No   UlSCOVEKV    MADK    I'OK    I'liANt'lS  I. 


Ii7 


liis  work  boforo  hitn.  ivrul  coiisctiiiciitly  his  version  of 
tiic  li'tter,  wlit'ii  ho  pioparf'd  this  iiocount.'  In  tho 
Illation  writton  by  Landonioro  in  loCin,  bntnot  [jrintcd 
until  ir)S(j,o('all  threool' tiic  oxpt'ditions  sontout  IVoni 
Kiani'o,  tor  the  colonization  of  tlie  Frcnclj  {jrotestants, 
mention  is  again  madeol'  the  discovoriesol"  Vorra/./ano. 
baiidoniere  gives  no  antliority,  but  spoak.'^  of  them  in 
terms  whieii  show  tlnxthe  made  his  cotnpend  from  the 
discoiu'so  of  tiio  French  captain  of  Diepite,  pubUshi'd 
i)y  iJanuisio  in  the  sanuf  vohime,  in  connection  with 
t  he  V'errazzano  k'tter.  I  To  says  that  Verra/.zano  ''  was 
sent  by  King  Francis  the  First  and  Maihime  the 
Regent,  his  mother,  into  these  new  countries."  in 
thus  associating  the  queen  mother  with  tiie  king  in 
tin'  prosecution  of  tluj  enterprise  Laudoniere  com- 
mits the  same  mistake  as  is  made  in  the  'discourse 
in  that  respect.  Louise  did  not  become  regent  until 
after  the  return  of  Verrazzaiio  is  stated  to  have  taken 
l)lace,  and  after  both  liis  letter  and  that  of  Carli  arc 
represented  to  have  been  written."  In  adopting  this 
error  it  is  plain  thai  Lnudoiiiere   must  have  taken  it 


'  Th(>  original  narrative  cif  Kiliault,  In  Kniicli,  lias  never  apiieared  in 
I'riiii.  It  was  probalily  supiiresseil  ni  the  liiiip  tor  political  rensoQs,  tm  the 
I'liloiiy  was  intended  for  the  Ikmh  lit  nt'  tiie  pioteslants  of  France?.  It  wa.s, 
himcver,  translated  inmn'ditUely  into  Enuli-;|i  and  printed  in  liltiH,  nnder 
the  loliowing  title:  "The  whole  and  trne  diseovcrye  of  Terra  Florida  iVrc 
nevt'r  loimd  out  liefor<?  the  last  year,  I'lti'i.  Written  in  I'reneli  Ity  Caplaiu 
Kilianli  &(:  and  now  newly  set  forllie  in  Fnu;!ishe  the  XXX  of  Jl.ay,  loOy. 
I'rynled  at  Lnndon,  liy  liowland  Hall,  for  Thomas  llaekel."  This  trans- 
lation was  reprinted  In  Ilakhiyt  in  lii>  first  work,  Dicci-K  Voyinjcn,  in  l."tS2  ; 
hut  was  omitted  hy  him  in  h's  lari^er  eollections,  and  the  account  by 
liaudoniere,  who  accompanied  Rihaidt,  of  that  and  the  two  subseciuent 
expcnlitions,  siiljstituted  in  its  stead. 

-  The  edict  ai)|>oinling  Louise  regent,  was  dated  at  T'ignerol,  the  17th  of 
()etob(.'r,  t,~)2  I,  wlii'ii  Francis  \\as'''»  roiUi;.  for  Milan.  Isambert,  luriuil,  Sic, 
[inn.  xii,  part  i,  p  'iW.  •*    - 


28 


VEFiKAZZANO. 


iVoin  the  work  of  niiiniisio,  as  tlw  discourse  of  tljo 
French  captain  is  luund  in  no  other  phice,  and  there- 
lore  used  tliat  work,  llt^  also  speaks  ol"  the  discovj^red 
country  heing  called  Krancosca,  as  mentioned  in  the 
dis(;ourso.' 

The  Verra/zano  discovery  is  referred  to,  for  the  first 
time,  in  any  work  jirinted  in  KraiK.'c,  in  1570,  in  a 
small  lulio  volume  culled  the  linlvcrml  Ili-sUtry  of  the 
WoihL  hy  Francois  de  IJellcforest,  a  compiler  ol'  no 
great  authority,  Jn  dcsciihing  Canada,  he  charac- 
terizes the  natives  as  cannihals,  and  in  proof  of  the 
charge  repeats  the  story,  which  is  found  in  Hamusio 
only,  of  N'erra/.zano  having  hccn  killeil,  i-oasted  and 
eaten  hy  them,  and  then  proceeds  with  a  short  account 
of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  derived,  as  he 
states,  from  what  Verrazzano  had  written  to  King 
Francis.'-  He  does  not  mention  where  he  obtained 
this  account,  but  his  reference  to  the  manner  in  wiiich 
Verrazzano  came  to  his  death,  shows  that  he  had  con- 
Bulted  the  volume  of  Kannisio.  Five  years  later  tlu^ 
same  writer  gave  to  the  world  an  enlarged  edition  of 
his  work,  with  the  title  of  The  rnicermd  Cofmof/nip/ifj 
of  the  World,  in  three  ponderous  folios,  in  which 
he  recites,  more  at  length,  the  contents  of  the  Verraz- 
zano letter,  also  witl'out  mentioning  where  he  had 
found  it,  but  di;sclo>.iiig  nevertheless  that  it  was  in 
Ramusio,  [»y  his  loUowing  the  variations  of  that 
version,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  complexion  of 
the  natives  represented  to  have  been  first  seen,  as  they 

'Busiinicr,  V I lUtoire  notable  de  la  Floritlr.  (l*jiris,  l.^sii),  fi.l.  1  -',).  Ifak- 
luy  I,  III,  p.  3(15.     iiiimuMi,  in,  M.AT^.     (Mil,  IT).")!!) 

''L'J/iKt'Hri:  I'liiirriHlli  tin  Mouih.  I'ar  Fnni<;iiirt  (le  Bellclbresil,  (.Piiris 
1570,  ful,  35;$ -4,1 


NO    DISroVKRY    MADK    FoK    FUANCIS    \. 


29 


will  1)0  lu'roiit'ter  oxplaincd.'  This  puMication  of 
[{('licl'orcMt  i.s  till'  morn  important,  lu'causc;  it  is  from 
tin' abstract  of  the  \'orra/,/ano  letter  rontaincd  in  it,- 
that  lit'scarhot,  thirl  v -four  y<'ars  afterwards,  took  his 
aeooimt  of  the  voyage  and  discovery,  word  for  word, 
without  acknowledgment.^  The  latter  writer  has  ac- 
cordingly been  cited  by  subsocinent  authors  as  an 
original  authority  on  the  Hul)ject,  among  others  by 
Hergeron,"'  and  the  commissioners  of  the  king  of 
Krance,  in  the  controversy  with  iiis  JJritannic  majesty 

'  J.ii  VuMtwif/rajihie  UnivernelUi  tie  Unit  le  Monile,  Irnn.  ii,  imrt  ii,  '^175-0. 
( I'liris,  irjT.I.) 

'  llitf.  ihi  Id  .Woinrlle  Frunre,  p.  27,  ot  seq.  (od.  HWd).  In  a  suhsiuiuont 
pdition  of  liiin  liislory  (p.  ;.*I4)  Fjesciirhot  ii^iiiii  n  I'lrs  iiit.iilciitiilly  to  V'or. 
in/./.iiiio  in  (■niiiiiclidii  with  .liu'ni'.f.s  CiirtiiT,  to  whom  Ik;  iittrihiitcs  a  pic- 
lio-icrous  sluli'im'iil.ucUiiowlcdiriiig  tlic  V'crruzziiiio  tliscovi;ry.  Ilti  sluluB 
ihiit  ill  iriJW  CiirtiiT  iimdc  known  to  (Ilmhot,  thou  lulTtiiriil  of  Kraiirt!,  his 
willinfriicis  "  to  ilisrovcr  coniiliicf',  as  tli(^  Sptinish  had  (hnic,  in  thf  West 
Indicfi,  iind  as,  nine  years  hcfori',  .r<',in  Vfira/zano  ^  liad  doiic)  iiiuli  r  liio 
authority  of  Kiri!;  Francis  I,  wliich  Vcrra/./ano,  licinirijrfvcntcl  by  dcatli, 
had  not  londnfttd  any  colony  into  the  lands  he  had  discovcr<'d,  and  had 
only  rcinarkwl  the  coast  from  about  \.\w.(l(iiti<th  degree  of  the 'rerre-nenve, 
wliicli  at  the  present  day  they  call  I'lurida.  as  far  as  \\\i'  forlicth.  For  the 
purpose  of  continuing  his  design,  he  olferc'il  his  services,  if  it  were  the  plea- 
sure of  the  king,  to  furnish  lilni  with  the  necessary  means.  Th(!  lord 
adndral  having  npproved  these  words,  represented  then  to  his  niiijesty, 
kc''  IjescaVliot  gives  no  authority  for  this  statement,  made  liy  liini 
seventy-live  years  alter  the  voyage  of  ('artier.  It  is  absurd  on  its  t'ace  and 
is  contriidicted  by  existing  records  of  that  v:)vage.  No  authority  has  ever 
confined  the  Verrazzano  discovery  within  the  limits  here  mentioned.  Car- 
lier  is  represented  as  sayitiir  to  the  adnural  that  in  order  to  complete  Vcr- 
r.-i/zanoV  design  of  carrying  coloidsts  to  the  country  discovered  b}' him, 
lliat  is,  within  those  limits,  he  would  go  hiniRclt',  if  the  king  would  accept 
his  services.  The  documents  recently  jiulilished  from  the  archives  of  St. 
.Malo,  show  that  the  voyage  of  Cartier  proposed  by  C'artifT,  was  for  tho 
purpose  of  passing  through  the  sliaiis  of  Helle  Isle,  in  latitude  52,  far 
north  of  the  northiirn  limit  of  the  Vcrrazz.ino  discovery,  according  to 
eillier  version  of  the  letter,  and  not  with  !i  design  of  i)lanling  n  c(doiiy,  or 
going  to  liiiy  part  of  the  Verra/.zano  ex|)loralions,  much  less  to  a  point 
south  of  the  fortieth  degree,  (llame,  Documeiitu  mhUIn  mir  Jacques  Vartier 
>i  kCiiiiiiilii,  p.  :j,  Tr(jss,  Paris,  18(1.5,)  Besides,  neither  in  tht^  eonimissious 
to  Curlier,  nor  in  any  ol  the  aceounls  of  his  voyag(;s,  is  there  the  .slightest 
allusion  fo  Verrazzano. 

•■  TruU'te  den  Sarigdtiunn,  [i.  !().{,  §  l.'). 


30 


VEKUAZZANO. 


ill  relation  to  the  limits  of  Acadia;^  but,  as  this  pla- 
giarism proves,  without  reason.  Charlevoix,  with  a 
proper  discrimination,  refers  directly  to  Rarausio  as  the 
sole  source  from  whence  the  account  of  the  discovery 
is  derived,  as  do  the  French  writers  who  have  men- 
tioned it  since  his  time,  except  M.  Margry,  who,  in 
his  recent  work  on  the  subject  of  French  voyages, 
quotes  from  the  Carli  version.  It  is  thus  seen  that 
no  other  authority  is  given  by  the  French  historians 
than  one  or  other  of  the  Italian  versions."  It  must, 
therefore,  be  regarded  as  confessed  by  them,  that  no 

'  Monoim  dt'S  Cnmummrks  du  Eoi,  &c.,  i,  39. 

"Aiuliv  Tlievet,  wlio  puhlislniil  a  work  willi  tlie  title  of  C<mnofirnphie 
Univerndlt',  in  twu  vohiinus,  liiri^e  folio,  in  rivalry  api)arciUly  with  Belle- 
forest,  and  in  the  same  year,  l")?.),  is  referred  to  sometimes  as  an  authority 
on  this  sulijcct.  Spciikinif  of  lliecnu'l  disposition  of  the  jieople  of  Canada, 
lie  nu'iit'ions  in  illiislralion  of  il,  the  fat(t  al  their  hands  of  sonic  colonists 
whom  Verrazzano  took  to  that  (H)untry.  The  fact  is  thus  related  hy  him 
in  eonneclion  with  this  voyage,  for  which  he  gives  no  authority  or  indica- 
tion of  any.  "  Jean  Verazze,  a  Flor'':.;inc,  let\  Dieppe,  the  serciiteenth  '>/ 
Miiirh,  owe  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-four,  hy  rommtind  of  Kinjr 
Francis,  and  ('oaslcd  tiie  whole  of  Florida  as  faras  ih  lliirty-fourlh  degree 
of  latitude,  and  the  three  huudredth  of  longitude,  a. id  explored  all  tiiis 
coast,  and  plwrd  there  a  nnmbcr  of  people  In  I'l/lfim/r  if,  who  in  the  end 
were  all  killed  and  massacred  by  this  barbarous  jieople"  (fol.  1003  R.). 
'Piiis  slatfUH-nt  seems  to  j^l^lity  what  Uie  I'resiilinl  Dc  Thou,  the  contenipo- 
rnry  of  Thevet,  says  of  hini,  that  lie  composed  his  books  liy  pultiiiL!;  "the 
iineerlain  for  the  certain,  and  llie  false  for  the  true,  with  an  .islonishiug 
assurance."  (///.<  r«(C.,  torn.  11,001,  Lond.,  1T;J4.)  Thevet  had  pulilished 
biforc  liiis,  ill  i'lru,  auollier  book,  called  Leu  SiinjiiliinUz  ih  hi,  Friiiiei 
Atifiirr/ii/iK .  a>itr,'iiiei(l  lunuiiuf  .l/^w'/vV/^/c,  in  which  he'describes  all  the 
countries  of  America  as  faruorlh  ;is  Laiirador,  and  sayslhat  he  ran  up  the 
coast  to  that  region  on  Ids  way  iiome  from  Brazil, -wdiere  he  went  in  XTtUTt, 
with  Villcgagnon.  In  this  earlier  work  he  makes  no  mention  of  Verraz- 
zano; Imt  does  say  that  .Jaciiues  ('artier  (old  iiim  lli.il  he  (Cartier)  had 
miule  the  voyage  to  .Vnierica  twice  (fol,  HM-9).  It  is  thus  evident  that 
Tlu!vcl  had  not  hearil  of  Verrazzano  in  l.joT,  or  he  would  necessarily  have 
mentioned  him,  as  he  bad  the  subject  distinctly  before  him  ;  ami  if  he  is  to 
be  believed  in  regard  to  his  intimacy  with  Ciirtier,  with  whom  be  says  he 
s|ienl  five  months  al  his  house  in  St.  J\I.do  ((''.>t.  Unu'.,  fid.  1<I1  1,  I?.),  and 
from  whom  he  received  much  information,  it  is  i|uit(!  as  rV'wv  that  ('artier 
knew  nothing  of  the  N'erni/z.iur  discovery,  or  he  would  b.r.i'  mentioned 
it  to  Thevet. 


NO   DISCOVERY    MADE    FOR    FRANCIS    I. 


31 


original  authority  for  tlie  dincovery  has  ever  existed  in 
France. 

If  any  voyage  had  taken  place,  such    as  this  is 
alleged  to  have  been,  it  is  morally  impossible,  in  the 
state  of  learning  and  art  at  that  time  in  France,  and 
with  the  interest  which  must  necessarily  have  attached 
to  the  discovery,  that  no  notice  should  have  been  taken 
of  it   in  any  of  the   chronicles  or  histories  of  the 
country,  and  that  the  memory  of  it  should  not  have 
been  preserved  in  some  of  the  productions  of  its  press. 
According  to  the  letter  itself,  it  was  one  of  the  grand- 
est  achievements   in   the  annals   of   discovery,  and 
promised  the  most  important  results  to   France.     It 
was  an  enterprise  of  her  king,  which  had  been  success- 
fully  accomplished.     There  had   been   discovered   a 
heathen  land,  nearly  three  thousand  miles  in  extent, 
before  unknown  to  the  civilized  world,  and,  therefore, 
open  to  subjugation  and  settlement ;  healthy,  populous, 
fertile  and  apparently  rich  in  gold  and  aromatics,  and, 
therefore,  an  acquisition  as  great  and  valuable  as  any 
discovery  made  by  the  Spaniards  or  Portuguese,  except 
that  of  Columbus.     Silence  and  indifference  in  regard 
to  such  an  event  were  impossil)le.     Printing  introduced 
long  previously  into   the    principal  cities  in    France, 
hod   early  in  this   reign   reached  its  highest  state  of 
periection,  as  the   works   issued  from  the   presses  of 
Henri  Estienne  and  others   attest.     lu  1521   twenty- 
four  persons  practiced  the  art  in   Paris  alone.^     The 
discoveries  in  the  new  world  by  other  nations  excited 
as  much  attention  in   France  as  they  did  in  the  other 
countries  of  Europe.     The  letters  of  Columbus  and 

'  Didol  in  lliiriisst'  /W  .1"/,   Wt.,  IS'J 


32 


:      i 


VERRAZZANO. 


Vespucci,  describing  their  voyages  and  the  countries 
they  had  found,  were  no  sooner  pubHshed  abroad  than 
they  were  transhited  into  French  and  printed  in  Paris. 
From  1515  to  1520  several  editions  of  the  Itahan 
collection  of  voyages,  known  as  the  Hiesi  novamente 
rltrocati,  containing  accounts  of  the  discoveries  of 
Columbus,  Cortereal,  Cabral  and  Vespucci  in  America, 
and  in  1532  the  Decades  of  Peter  Martyr,  were  trans- 
lated and  published  in  Paris,  in  the  French  language. 
Cartier's  account  of  his  voyage  in  15.)5-6,  under- 
taken by  order  of  Francis,  in  which  he  discovered 
Catiada,  was  printed  in  the  same  city  in  1545,  during 
the  reign  of  that  monarch.  These  publications 
abundantly  prove  the  interest  which  was  taken  in 
France  in  the  discoveries  in  the  new  world,  and  the 
disposition  and  eftbrts  of  the  printers  in  the  country 
at  that  time  to  supply  the  people  with  information  on 
the  subject ;  and  also,  that  the  policy  of  the  crown 
allowed  pubhcity  to  be  given  to  its  own  maritime 
enterprises.  Of  the  enlightened  interest  on  the  part 
of  the  crown  in  the  new  discoveries,  a  memorable 
instance  is  recorded,  having  a  direct  and  important 
bearing  upon  this  question.  A  few  months  only  after 
the  alleged  return  of  V^erra/zano,  and  at  the  darkest  iiour 
in  the  reign  of  Francis,  when  he  was  a  captive  of  the 
emperor  in  Spain,  Pigafetta,  who  had  accompanied  the 
expedition  of  Magellan  and  kept  a  journal  of  the 
voyage,  presented  himself  at  the  court  of  France. 
Louise  was  then  exercising  the  powers  and  prerogatives 
of  her  son,  and  guarding  his  interests  and  honor  with 
maternal  zeal.  Pigafetta  came  to  olfer  her  a  co[)y  of 
the  manuscript  which   lie  had   prepared,  and   which 


tol 

to 

ant 

V\ 

Co 

no 

ye: 

Pa 


NO  DISCOVERY    MADE  FOR   FRANCIS   I. 


33 


told  of  tlio  di 


,'\y  discovered  route 


I 


liscovery  of  the  i 
to  the  Moluccas  and  Cathay.  It  was  written  m  Italian ; 
and  the  queen  motlier  caused  it  to  lx>  translated  into 
French  by  Antoine  Fabre,  and  printed  bytSinion  de 
Colines,  the  successor  of  Estienne.  The  book  ImnYs 
no  date,  but  bibliographers  assign  it  that  of  1525,  the 
year  of  the  regency.  Certain  it  is,  it  was  printed  in 
Paris  during  the  lift?  of  Francis,  as  Colines,  whose 
imprint  it  bears,  died  tefore  tlie  king.  Thus  by  the 
instrumentality  of  the  crown  of  France  was  the 
account  of  the  discovery  of  Magellan,  written  by  one 
who  belonged  to  the  expedition,  first  given  to  the 
world.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  queen  mother, 
exercising  the  regal  power  immediately  after  the 
alleged  return  of  V^errazzano,  would  have  left  entirely 
unnoticed  and  unpublished  an  account  of  his  discovery, 
so  interesting  to  the  subjects  of  the  king  and  so  glori- 
ous to  France,  and  yet  have  caused  to  be  put  forth 
within  his  realm  in  its  stead,  the  history  of  a  like 
enterprise,  redounding  to  the  glory  of  the  great  rival 
and  enemy  of  her  son.^ 

II.  Conclusive  as  the  silence  of  the  history  of  France 
is  auninst  the  assertion  that  the  Verrazzano  voyage 
and  discovery  were  made  by  direction  of  her  king,  the 
life  of  Francis  is  a  complete  denial  of  it.  lie  was 
released  from  hificaptivity  early  in  1 520,  and  lived  and 


'  Till'  little  book  of  Fij;uft'tta,  a  copy  of  which,  by  the  kindness  of  Mrs. 
John  Carter  Brown,  of  I'rovidenre,  is  now  in  our  liiinds,  Ijears  the  title  of 
/.<:  roi/ngi'K  ci  nariyntioii  fnicl  piir  k.i  M-ipai'i/iudiiiM  /xU.s  <li-  MobmimK.  ct'c.  It 
i<  fnlly  descrihi'd  iiy  >1  fbinisse  in  liis  Hil>  Vil  Aiii.  Tin.  eoncludin.tr 
puniarapheonliiinsthe  statement  that  tin.'  niannsiripl  wiw  jiresentedto  the 
qin'en  regent.  Raninsio  (vol.  i,  ;t4(i),  tuenlioiih  the  fact  that  it  wiis  given 
hy  tier  lo  Fiilin  lo  bolransliUed.  Tin- i>ariifuluN  are  detailed  by  Ainoreiti. 
Jhiiiio  yiii(jj/io,  Inirml.  xxxvu.     Picinur  rw/(/,c/(,  xi.iv. 


84 


VERRAZZANO. 


reigiu'd  over  France  for  more  than  twe:  ity  years  al'ter- 
wards,  iM;tive  in  promoting  the  greatness  of  his  king- 
dom ;  encouraging  science  and  art  among  his  people, 
and  winning  the  title  of  fatlier  of  letters ;  awake  to 
whati'ver  concerned  his  royal  rights  and  prerogatives, 
and  maint;rining  them  with  might  and  vigor  abroad 
as  well  as  at  home  ;  and  willing  and  ahle  to  obtain 
and  occupy  new  countries  inhabited  )>y  the  heathen. 
That  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  advantages  to  liis 
crown  and  realm  of  colonies  in  America,  and  not  with- 
out the  ability  and  dis^.osition  to  prosecute  discoveries 
there  lor  the  pur})ose  of  settlement,  is  proven  by  his 
actually  sending  out  the  exi)editions  of  Jacques  Cartiei 
in  15o4  and  10o5  and  Cartier  and  Roberval  in  1541  -  2, 
for  the  purpose  of  ex])loring  and  developing  the  region 
beyond  the  gulf  of  St.  Jiawrence,  through  the  icy  way 
of  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle,  in  latitude  52°  N. 

Yet  he  never  recognized  by  word  or  deed  the  voyage 
or  discov(!ry  of  Verra/zano.  If  any  one  in  France 
could  have  known  of  them,  surely  it  would  have 
been  he  who  had  sent  forth  the  expedition.  If  Verraz- 
zano  were  dead,  when  Francis  returned  to  his  kingdom, 
and  the  letl(!r  had  miscarried  and  never  come  to  his 
hands,  the  knowledge  of  the  discovery  still  M'ould 
have  existed  in  the  bosom  of  filty  living  witnesses, 
who  composed  the  crew,  according  to  the  story;  and 
tlirough  them  the  results  of  the  voyage  would  have 
been  communicated  to  the  king.  But  Verrazzano  was 
not  dead  at  that  time,  but  was  alive,  as  will  appear 
hereafter,  in  1527.  There  is  good  reas«)n  to  believe 
that  he  was  well  known  then  to  the  royal  advisers. 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  king  after  his  return  froju 


m 


NO    DISCOVER V    MADE   FOR    FM{.\Nri,S    I. 


35 


Spain  was  to  create  Phlllipe  (Jhabot,  Sioiir  dc  lirioii, 
the  admiral  of  France,  whereby  that  nobleuiaii  bircaiue 
invested  on  the  23d  of  March,  1520,  with  the  charge 
of  the  royal  marine.'  A  document  has  recently  been 
brought  to  light  from  among  the  manuscripts  in  the 
Bibliotliecpie  Nationale  in  Paris,  purporting  to  be  an 
agreement  made  by  Chabot  in  his  oihcial  capacity,  with 
Jean  Ango,  of  Di<'ppe,  and  other  persons,  including 
Jehan  de  Yaresam,  ^'^r  a  voyage  to  the  Indies  with  two 
v(?ssels  belonging  to  the  king,  arul  one  to  Ango,  to  be 
conducted  by  Vari'sam,  as  master  pilot,  for  the  purpose 
ostensibly  of  l)ringing  back  a  cargo  of  spices.^  This 
instrument  has  no  date,  but  on  its  face  belongs  to 
(yhabot's  administration  of  the  admiralty,  and  must, 
therefore,  have  been  drawn  up  in  the  year  lo2t')  or 
that  ol  Verrazzano's  death,  in  1527.  If  it  be  genuine, 
it  proves  not  only  that  Verrazzano  was  alive  in  that 
period, '  but  was  known  to  the  admiral,  and,  conse- 
fjuently,  that  any  services  which  he  had  previously 
rendered  must  have  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
crown.  In  either  case,  howev<'r,  whether  Verrazzano 
were  dead  or  alive  when  Francis  resumed  his  royal 
functions,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  discovery,  if  it 
had  ever  taken  place,  should  not  have  been  known  by 
him. 

In  sending  forth  the  expeditions  of  Jacques  Cartier 
and  the  joint  <>.Kpeditions  of  Cartier  and  Roberval, 
I^'raiicis  not  oidy  showed  his  interest  in  the  discovery 
of  new  countries,  but  he  acted  in  })erfect  ignorance?  of 
the  V^errazzano  discovery.     If  it  were  known  to  him, 

'  Pore  Ansolmi',  IV,  r)Tl.  • 

■'  M.  JVliirgry     Nan'jdtMm  Fmn^am»,  p  194.    Sne  Appcudix. 


36 


VERRAZZANO, 


upon  wh;it  rational  theory  would  he  have  atteniptod 
new  voyages  of  discovery  in  a  cold  and  inhospitable 
region,  on  an  uncertain  search,  instead  of  developing 
what  had  Iwen  found  for  hiui  ?  What  could  he 
have  expected  to  have  acconiphshed  by  the  new 
expeditions  that  had  not  been  already  fully  effected  by 
Verrazzano  ?  And,  especially  after  the  way  to  Canada 
was  found  out  by  Cartier,  what  was  there  more  invit- 
ing in  tliat  unproductive  quarter  than  was  promised 
in  th^  '  'iperate  climate,  fertile  soil,  and  mineral 
land^.  i.  the  Florentine  had  already  discovered  in 
his  name,  that  he  should  have  sent  Cartier  and 
Rob.rval  +o  8e!tl«^  and  conquer  the  newer  land?' 

With  the  fichir:-  o7  the  expedition  of  Roberval, 
Francis  abandoned  the  attempt  to  discover  new 
countries,  or  plant  colonies  in  America ;  but  his  suc- 
cessors, though  much  later,  entered  upon  th--  colo- 
nization of  New  France.  They  inherited  his  rights, 
and  while  they  acknowledged  the  discoveries  of 
Cartier  they  discredited  those  ascribed  to  Verrazzano. 
Of  the  latter  claim  all  of  them  must  have  known. 
The  publication  of  Ramusio  took  place  during  the 
reign  of  Henry  II,  who  died  in  1559 ;  but  he  made  no 


'  Tlick'Ucisissiii'il  1.0  Kohcrvrtl  liiivchcMjn  ruccutly  publislidd,  tor  Ww  lirst 
time,  l)y  i[.  llarrisse,  from  llie  arciiivcs  ol  Fniuce,  in  liis  A'-Jte.*  i>ijuf  »er- 
vir  a  Vlmtoire  (U  la  Novvtik  France,  p.  344,  et  KCfi,  (Piiris,  1872.)  They 
are  (luted  \]n\  IGtli  of  Pohniiuy,  1540  Clartier's  commission  for  the  same 
BiTviee  is  dated  in  O(!lober,  loK).  Charlevoix,  misled  iirobalily  by  the 
letters  granted  by  llcnry  IV  to  the  Maniuis  de  la  Roche  in  1508,  in  whieli 
the  letters  to  Rof)orval  are  partially  rei  ited,  asserts  that  r{oberval  is  styled 
in  them  lord  of  Noninibcga.  Tlie  letters  iiowpnljlishi'd  sliowthat  lie  was 
in  error;  andthut  Kraiice  limited  the  Hutliorily  of  llijlxrval  to  the  countries 
west  of  the  jiulf  of  Si,  Lawrence  (Canada  and  Ochehiga),  so  far  as  any 
are  named  or  described,  and  made  no  reference  to  Noriimbefi:a  as  a  title  of 
Ttobcrval  or  otherwise.  As  tlie  year  commenced  at  Easter  the  date  of 
lloberval's  (unnnissioii  vvi)s  in  fact  after  that  of  Cartier 


,: 


JUU? 


('«))<•  Sillilr 
"•9VP,;  /'  "''•Vl'-Sonrnm-dn,,, 

■     "'■''"<•^/^£?u..v„n.•„„.iv 


'*''.•, 


■'"V  ,/,  .\',„.irhcit)'" 


.  _.^0  o  Q  O  /*•""/'*■.  ■„/  /(-, , 


(  a|irlcl;i  TiVaiiciHcauie  )Tj  'Vijif  Ajiii 

u  / — '" 

?  V  O 


-  £ 
■«  "5     ; 


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o 

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fa 

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;^ 

NO   DISCOVERY    MADE  FOB    FRANCIS    I. 


37 


enrleavorto  plant  colonies  abroad.  In  1577  andl'")78, 
the  first  commiHsions  looking  to  possessions  in  America 
north  of  Florida,  were  issued  by  Henry  III.  to  the 
Marquis  de  la  Roche,  aiithorizing  settlements  in  the 
terres  nenfves  and  the  adjacent  countries  newly  dis- 
covered, in  the  occupancy  of  barbarians,  but  nothing 
was  done  under  them.  In  1598,  another  grant  was 
made  to  the  same  person  by  Henry  IV,  for  the  con- 
quest of  Canada,  Hocholaga,  Newfoundland,  Labrador, 
the  country  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  Norunibega, 
and  other  countries  adjacent.  This  is  the  first  docu- 
ment emanating  from  the  crown,  containing  any 
mention  of  any  part  of  the  continent  north  of  latitude 
33^  and  south  of  Cape  Breton. 

Norunibega  is  the  only  country  of  those  here  enu- 
merated which  is  included  within  those  limits,  and 
that  did  not  becom»^  known  throusih  Verrazzano.'     No 


'  Norunibega  embraced  Uie  region  of  country  extending  from  tlie  land 
of  tl)(!  Bretons  to  tlie  Penobscot,  of  wbicli  it  was  regarded  as  the  Indian 
name.  It  was  almost  identical  witii  what  \va>subse(jiicntly  called  Acadia. 
It  had  become  known  at  an  early  period  tiirough  the  French  fishermen 
and  traders  in  peltries,  who  obtained  the  name  from  the  Indians  and  ijarried 
it  home  to  France.  It  is  described  by  .lean  Alfonse,  the  chief  pilot  of 
Iloberval,  from  an  e.\pU)ration  which  he  made  along  the  coast  on  the  occa- 
sion of  Hoberval's  expedition  to  Canada,  in  \o\'i.  (llakluyt,  in,  2^9-10. 
MS.  cosmography  of  Alfonse,  in  lUb.  A'nt.  of  Paris,  fol.  185.)  Alfonse 
states  that  he  ran  dcwn  the  coast  as  far  as  a  bay  which  he  did  not  pene- 
trate, in  latitude  '12',  between  Norunibega  and  Florida,  showing  that 
Norunibega  was  considered  as  north  of  that  parallel  of  latitude.  He  par- 
ticularly describer- it  inliie  manuscrii»t  just  cited,  winch  Hakluyt  had  bei'ore 
him,  as  the  rattier  of  Alfonse  which  lie  ]niblishes  is  found  in  tliat  niaiiu 
script.  It  appears  to  liave  been  written  by  Alfonse  in  iri44-r),  which  was 
shortly  after  hi>  return  from  Canada  wiiii  Hob(  rval.  The  name  of  No- 
runibega is  found  iu  the  discourse  of  the  captain  of  Diejipe,  written  in 
loiji),  and  printed  in  third  volume  ol  Kamusio.  This  writer  distinctly 
states  that  the  nam(;  was  derived  from  the  natives.  The  description  of  the 
country  and  its  inhabitants  given  by  Alfonse,  is  important,  as  showing  its 
extent,  ami  alluding  tu  the  ("ade  there  in  peltries  tints  early.  It  is  found 
in  the  cosmography  in  com  clion  with  the  ruttier  '  loo  mentioned  (fol. 
187-8),  and  is  as  follows; 


38 


VEKIiAZZANO. 


allusion  is  made,  ia  these  letters  of  de  la  Roche,  to  any 
previous  exploration,  although   an  erroneous  recital, 


"I  say  thatlliu  capo  of  8.  .Icliaii, cnlleil  C'lipe  Ilretoii  ami  the  cape  of  tl»e 
Fr(lIlr,i^^call(!,  are  northeast  and  Hoiilhweal,  and  take  a  ((uarter  of  east  and 
west  and  there  is  i?>  llie  route  one  hundred  anil  forty  leagues.  And  here 
makes  a  cajie  called  the  cape  of  Noroixrinue.  Tliissaid  cape  is  at  forty-live 
degrees  of  the  lieijilil  of  the  arctic  pole.  The  said  coast  is  all  sandy  land, 
low  ^nthout  any  mountain.  And  alon^this  coast  llicre  are  several  i.slands 
of  sand  aiul  coast  very  dangerous,  with  lianks  and  rocks.  Tiie  peoi>lo  of 
tills  coast  and  of  Cape  Ilreton  are  bad  |)eople,  jjowerful,  gri'at  arcliers 
and  live  on  tish  antl  tlesh.  Tliey  si)Pak,  as  it  were,  llie  same  lanijuat^t  as 
those  of  Canada,  and  are  a  great  nation.  And  those  of  Cape  Breton  go 
and  make  war  upon  those  of  Newfounelltind  (Ti:rrc  Neufce).  wXw.Vi.'  they 
fish.  On  no  account  would  they  save  the  life  of  a  person  wlien  tjicy  ca()- 
tiire  him,  if  it  be  not  a  chil<l  or  young  ijjirl,  ,uid  are  so  cruel  that  if  tliey  find 
a  man  wearing  a  heard,  they  cut  his  liinl)s  otf  and  carry  them  to  tluar 
wives  an('  chiMren,  in  order  to  be  revenged  iu  tliat  matter.  And  tliere  is 
among  thim  mucli  peltry  of  all  aiun\ids.  Ht'yond  llie  v\\\w  of  Nnmricreque 
[Cape  Sable]  descends  the  river  of  the  said  Norovercgue  which  is 
about  twenty-five  leagues  from  tlie  cape.  The  said  rivtirismore  than  fortj' 
leagues  broad  at  its  mouth,  and  extends  tliis  width  inward  well  tliirty  or 
forty  leagu(^s,  !ind  is  all  full  of  islands  which  enter  ten  or  twelve  leagues 
into  llie  sea,  and  it  is  very  dangerous  with  rocks  and  reefs.  The  said  river 
is  at  forty-two  degrees  of  the'  height  of  the  arctic  pole.  P'ifteen  leagues 
within  this  river  is  a  city  which  is  called  Noromhergae,  and  there  are  in  it 
good  people  aiKW/iccc  h  much  peltry  of  all  animals.  The  peopla  of  the 
city  are  clothed  with  peltry,  wearing  mantles  of  martin.  I  suspect  the  said 
river  enters  into  the  river  of  Ochclagu.for  it  is  salt  more  than  forty  league 
inward,  according  to  what  is  said  by  the  piiople  of  the  city.  The  people 
use  many  words,  which  resemble  Latin,  and  adore  the  sun;  and  are  hand- 
some and  large  men.  The  land  of  yuruOra/uii  is  tolerably  high.  On  the 
.side  on  tlie  west  of  the  said  city  tluTe  are  many  rocks  wliii'h  run  into  the 
sea  well  fitleen  leagues;  and  on  the  side  towards  the  north  there  is  a  bay 
in  which  there  is  a  little  island  which  is  very  .subject  to  tempest  and  can- 
not be  inhabited." 

Two  sketches  of  the  coast  by  Alfonse  accom|)any  this  descriiition,  whicli 
are  here  reproduced  united  in  one.  The  maj)  iu  lianiusio  (in,  fol.  424-3), 
prepared  by  Oastaldi,  shows  the  Terra  de,  A'uriimhegu,  of  the  same  extent 
as  hen^  describetl,  that  is,  from  Ca|ie  Breton  westerly  to  a  river  running 
north  from  the  Atlantic  anil  coiniecliiig  with  tin;  St.  Lawrence  or  river  of 
Hochelaga.  Oastakli,  or  Gastaldo,  |)ublislu'(l  i)revioiisly  an  edition  o(  PM- 
emy's  (kography  (12mo.,  Venice,  154^),  iu  which  (map  56),  Norumbega 
is  similarly  laid  down,  without  the  river  running  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
Norumbega  was  therefore  a  well  defined  district  of  country  at  that  time. 

The  word  was  undoubtedly  derived  from  the  Indians,  and  is  still  in  use 
by  those  of  the  Pi^nobscot,  to  denote  certain  portions  of  that  river.  The 
missionary  Velromile,  in    liis   History  of  the  Af>/uikis  (New   York,  ISGG), 


NO   DISCOVER V    MADK  FoK   FHANCIS    I 


89 


already  alluded  to,  is  made  to  a  pur[)oso  of  Francis  I, 
in  his  commission  to  Robcrval,  t<:)  conquer  the  coun- 
tries hero  indicated.'     Do  la  Roche  made  a  miserable 


observes  (pp.  4S-«):  "  NMiiiinbcga  means  a  stUl-tnater  between  fdlln,  of 
wlii(  li  tlKTi'  fire  si'vonil  in  timt  river.  At  ilitVcrcnt  tiiui's,  tnivcllinjr  in  iv 
tanoit  iilonjjtlic  I'ciiobsiul,  1  liavi' lu'iinl  ilielndiims calling  Hidsc  loculitics 
J^'ohim>»;f/(i." 

Thiit  tlie  country  did  hdI  become  known  tlironiili  ViTriizznno  is  evident 
from  the  letter,  in  wiiicli  it  is'slaled  lliut  lie  ran  nlong  the  entire  const,  I'roni 
till'  harbor  in  whieli  tliev  remuiiii'd  lilleen  days,  one  Imndred  and  litly 
leagues, easterly,  thiit  is  from  CajieCod  to  the  island  of  Caiiu  Ureton,  with- 
out landing,  and  conscKiuently  without  having  any  corrospoiulencc  with  the 
ii.'itives  so  as  to  have  aciiuired  the  unnie. 

AVlien  in  particular  A  House  ran  along  the  Atliintic  coast  is  not  mentioned, 
though  It  is  to  be  interred  that  it  was  on  the  occasion  of  Uoberval's  expe- 
dition There  is  nothing  slated,  it  is  true,  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  its 
having  taken  place  on  some  other  voyage  previously.  It  could  not  have 
been  afterwards,  as  the  cosmography  describing  it  was  written  in  l.>14-5. 
Some  authors  assert  that  Kolierv.al  des|)alehcd  him  t^nvard^  Labra<lor  with 

II  view  of  finding  a  i)assage  to  the  East  Indies,  without  mentioning  his 
ex]>loratiou  along  Nova  Scotia  and  New  England,  But  Le  Clerc,  who 
seems  to  luive  been  the  author  of  this  s'atement  (J'lemier  Elahlmcmad  de 

III  Voy  dans  lu  Nouixlk  Fmnn,  i,  {'i-X?,.  Paris,  lOJtl),  and  who  is  Ibl 
lowed  by  C'harlevoix,  also  alleges  that  on  the  occasion  of  his  exploraticjn 
towards  Labrador,  he  discovered  the  straits  bet  vveen  it  and  Newfoundlainl, 
in  latiludi?  .■)2  ,  now  known  as  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle,  whieli  is  not  correc^t, 
Jaecpus  (.'artier  sailed  tlirongh  that  passage  in  his  lirst  voyage  to  Canada, 
in  \b'i\.  Le  Clerc  either  drew  false  inferences  orrelied  npoii  false  informa- 
tion. He  probably  derived  his  impression  of  the  voyage  to  Labrador  and 
the  discovery  of  the  straits  by  Alfonse,  from  a  cnrsory  reading  of  tlio 
cosniograi)hy  of  Alfonse,  who  describes  these  straits,  but  not  an  a  dis- 
covery of  his  own. 

In  the  printed  work,  culled  //.«  r<iij(itjix  arant'iiriix  du  Capitaine  Juan 
Alp/ionce,  isiintongtois,  which  was  lirst  jiublished  in  IS.'Ji),  after  the  death 
of  Alfonse,  it  is  expressly  stated  that  the  river  of  Norumbega,  was  dis- 
covered hy  the  Portngne>;('  and  Spaniards.  ])<'scribing  the  great  bank,  ho 
says  that  it  rinis  troni  Labrador,  "  ,iu  n(<rdest  et  suioi'st,  line  uariie  a  oest 
rturoest.  plus  de  huit  cens  lieiies,  et  passe  bien  i(uatre  vingts  lieues  de  la 
terre  neufue,  el  de  la  terre  des  Bretons  Irente  on  ([Uarante  lieues  Et  d'icy 
va  tout  au  long  de  la  coste  jusques  a  la  riviere  du  Noreinbergue,  (jui  m 
nonrdkiiK^it  dacouixiie  imr  hn  I'orhiyidoix  ct  KxpajitoLs."  j)  olj,  AVc 
quote  from  an  edition  of  the  work  not  meniioned  by  the  biblographers 
(Brunei — Harrisse),  printed  at  Jtouen  in  KiOii,  This  is  almost  a  conlem- 
jjorary  denial  by  a  French  author,  whether  Allbnse  himself  or  a  compiler, 
as  it  would  rather  Mpi>ear,  from  liis  cosmography,  of  the  Verrazzano 
discoverx  of  thi>  count ly. 

"  Lescarbot  (^ed.  l(iOS(),  484.     Harrissi-,  Aotes  dc  la  A'ouvelU  France,  p.  84;i, 


40 


VKURAZZANO. 


tttteinpt  to  settle  thn  iHliuul  of  SiiMo,  a  sand  hank  in 
tilt'  ocean,  two  degruoH  .south  of  Capo  IJnton,  with 
cbnvictw  taken  from  jails  of  B'rnnce,  hut  beii.g  repi'lled 
by  hU^'hi  and  tenipc^st,  after  leavhij^  that  island,  from 
hmding  on  the  main  coast,  returned  to  France;  withou' 
any  further  attempt  to  colonize  the  country,  and 
abandoning  the  poor  malefactors  on  the  island  to  a 
terrible  fate.'  There  is  therefore  no  acknowledgnietit, 
in  the  history  of  this  enterprise,  of  the  pretended  dis- 
covery.  The  next  act  of  the  regal  prerogative  was  a 
grant  to  the  Sieur  de  Monts,  by  the  same  monarch  in 
16U3,  authorizing  him  to  take  possession  of  the 
country,  coasts  and  conlines  of  lia  (!adie,  extending 
from  latitude  40"'  N.  to  40°  N.,  that  is,  NWa  Scotia 
and  New  England,  the  situation  of  which,  it  is  alleged, 
De  Monts  understood  from  his  previous  voyages  to 
the  country."  This  document  also  is  utterly  silent  ap 
to  any  particidar  discovery  of  the  country  ;  but  it  dis- 
tinctly affirms  that  the  foundation  of  the  claim  to  this 
territory  was  the  report  of  the  captains  of  vessels, 
pilots,  merchants  and  others,  who  had  for  a  long  time 
frequented  the  country  and  trallicked  with  its  inhabit- 
ants. Accompanying  these  letters  patent  was  a  license 
to  De  Monts  to  tr-ade  with  the  natives  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  make  settlements  on  that  river,  it 
was  under  these  authorizations  to  De  Monts  exclu- 
sively, that   all    the   permanent   settlements  of  the 


'Thi;  Htdi-y  irf  told  by  Lescarbot  (p.  ;i8,  c<l.  1009),  whicli  he  suftsiviueiUly 
frnbellisliL'il  with  soinu  lUliulou.'i  aiklitions  in  rfliiliou  to  ii  visit  to  tlie 
island  of  Sable  l)y  IJaron  di)  Lori,  in  1511)  (Pkl.  16H,  p  221,  even  betorc  tlie 
date  of  tlie  Verraz/.ano  lctt(;r, 

'  [.icscarbiit  (ed  Kid'J),  ITj^-iJ.  I, a  Cadii;,  or  Acadic,  as  il  was  lor  a  long 
time  aft<:r\vards  known,  api)ears  lor  llie  lirsl  lin)e  on  any  chart  on  the  map 
of  Terra  Nova,  No.  56,  in  Gastaldi's  Ptolemy,  and  is  lluae  called  La(  adia 


NO  nrsrovKRV  madf  foi;  fuancis  r. 


41 


l"'rcncli  in  Nova  S(!otiii  and  (Canada  wero  t'llectcd,  be- 
yond which  coinitrioH  none  were  ever  atUunpted  by 
them,  witiiin  ihi'  limits  of  tho.Verrazzano  discovery, 
or  any  rightw  asserti'd  on  lichalfor  the  French  crown. 

It  is  thus  evident  that  the  liistory  of  France  and  of 
her  kin<:;s  is  utterly  void  on  the  subject  i)f  this  dis- 
covery, without  any  lej^itimate  cause,  il  it  hud  ever 
taken  place;  and  that  the  |)olicy  of  the  crown  in  re- 
gard to  colonization  in  Ameri(!a  luisever  been  entirely 
in  repugnance  to  it.  It  is  incredible,  therefore,  that 
any  such  could  ever  have  taken  place  for  Francis,  or 
for  France. 

An  important  piece  of  testimony  of  an  affirmative 
I'haracter,  however,  still  exists,  shovvi.ig  that  the 
crown  of  France  had  no  knowledge  or  appreciation  of 
this  claim.  It  comes  from  France,  and,  as  it  were, 
from  Francis  himself.  It  is  to  be  found  in  the  work 
of  a  French  cartographer,  a  large  and  elaborately  exe- 
cuted map  of  the  world,  which  has  been  reproduced 
by  M.  Jomard,  in  his  Moimmeiit.s  of  Geograpliij,  under 
the  title  ol"  Mappemonde  lyeitUe  sur  parc/nmin  par  onlre 
(h'.  Ihnry  11,  roi  de  France}  M.  D'Ave/ac  assigns  it 
tlie  date  of  1542,  which  is  five  years  before  the  death 
(>\'  I'Vancis  and  accession  of  Henry  to  the  throne.-  But 
neither  of  these  dates  appears  to  be  exactly  correct ; 
as  npon  that  portion  of  the  mai)  representing  Saguenay, 
the  per.son  of  Koberval  is  depicted  and  his  name  in- 

'  LfH  .Von  II  men  fn  de  la  (h'of/ntpM',  on  lifeeuil  if  it  nek  lines  carUa,  cf-c,  cnfiie- 
ni'mile  (h  f(i  !/run(leiir  fks  originaiu'.     Pur  AI.  .Toniiinl      No.  xix. 

''  Tuventatrc  et  damviaent  rainu/iiii'  (Ick  "  Moiiummis  de  la  Gfographic"  puh. 
lies  pur  M.  Jomard  dc  184XJ  d  1803.  (Comiti'iiuratioii  (k  M.  UAKsac.)  h.- 
trait  du  Ihilktiii  i.k.  I'Ai'ddcmk  den  iuwriptinns  d  biUes  kit  res.  Sraner  dn  "^O 
AoHt  1867,  ^>,  7.  L' Annec  Giojraphiiiue.   Sixit'iue  iinnL'u(,18G7),  pp.  543,551. 


42 


VERRAZZANO. 


scribed,  evidently  denoting  his  visit  to  that  country, 
whicli  did  not  take  place  until  June,  ]r)43.'  No  in- 
formation, could  possibly  have  arrived  in  France,  to 
have  enabled  the  maker  of  the  map,  to  have  indicated 
this  circumstance  upon  it  before  the  latter  part  of 
that  year.  On  the  other  hand  the  arms  of  both  the 
king  and  dauphin  are  repeatedly  drawn  in  the  deco- 
rated border  of  the  map,  showing  that  it  was  made,  if 
not  under  the  actual  direction  of  Henry,  at  least  while 
he  was  in  fact  discharging  the  functions  of  admiral  of 
France,  which  he  assumed  after  the  disgrace  of  Chabot, 
in  1540,. and  continued  to  exercise  until  the  death  of 
Francis,  in  1547.  It  therefore  belongs  to  the  period 
of  1543-7 ;  and  thus  comes  to  us  apparently  impressed 
with  an  otncial  character.  It  is  the  work  of  an  accom- 
plished French  geographer,  during  the  reign  of  Francis, 
and  it,  no  doubt,  represents  not  only  the  state  of  geo- 
graphical knowledge  in  France  at  that  time,  but  also  all 
the  knowledge  possessed  by  Fr-nicis  of  this  coast.  Mr. 
Kohl  expresses  the  opinion  that  it  "  is  not  only  one  of 
the  most  brilliant,  but  also  one  of  the  most  exact  and 
trustworthy  pictures  of  the  world  which  we  have  in 
the  hrst  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  gives 
accurately  all  that  was  known  of  the  world  in  1543, 
especially  of  the  ocean,  and  the  out'lnes  of  the  coasts 
of  different  countries,"  lie  adds,  "  the  author  of  the 
map  must  have  been  a  well  instructed,  intelligent  and 
conscientious  man.  Where  the  coasts  of  a  country  are 
not  known  to  him,  he  so  designates  them.  For  his 
representations  of  countries  recently  discovered  and 


Hakluyt,  in,  24".. 


NO    DISCOVKRY    MADE    FOH    FRANCIS    I. 


43 


already  known,  ho  Iiau  before  him  tlie  best  models  und 


geo- 


onginals. 


"1 


Yet  notwithstanding  the  thorough  know- 
ledge of  the  subject  displayed  by  this  cartographer,  his 
French  nationality,  and  the  contemporariness  of  his 
labors  with  the  reign  of  Francis,  "  no  evidence,"  as 
Mr.  K.  further  observes,  "  appears  that  the  report  or 
chart  of  the  French  commander,  V^erra/zano,  had  been 
used  in  constructing  this  chart."  On  the  contrary,  the 
line  of  coast  from  Cape  St.  Roman  in  South  Carolina 
to  Cape  Breton  is  copied  from  the  Spanish  map  of 
l\ibero,  with  the  Spanish  names  translated  into  French.- 
Many  other  names  occur  within  tlie  same  distance, 
which  are  found  on  other  Spanish  charts  since  that 
time,  and  some  which  were  probably  taken  from  Spanish 
charts  not  now  known. ^  Thus  within  the  limits  men- 
tioned, embracing  the  exploration  of  Gomez  no  designa- 
tion occurs  connecting  the  co;i,st  with  Vernizzano.^ 
From  Cape  J^reton  easterly  and  nijrthtu'ly  along  the 
coast  of  Xewfoundland  the  discoveries  of  the  Normand 
and  Bretons  nnd  the  Portuguese,  and  in  the  river  and 


^  Discovery  of  Maine, 'iTA -A. 

'Tluis  R.  (Ifil  i)rincipe,  II.  del  cspiritu  santo,  B.'dc  Santa  Maria  (the 
(,'liisapi'ako)  Playa,  C.  de  S.  Juan,  II.  Ac  St.  iajrc^,  (".  do  Arenas  (Cape  Iteu- 
lopi'ii),  n.  de  S.  ClirLstoval  (the  Dolnware),  11  de  8.  Antonio  itlio  IIudNon), 
\i.  de  bui'iia  Madic,  S  Juan  IJaplisla,  Arcipelauo  de  Eslovan  (Jonioz, 
Monlanas,  and  U  tie  la  t)nc!ta.  on  tlie  map  ot  Kibero,  l)i'(Minii,-  on  the 
French  map,  W  dn  I'rincc,  !?.  du  St.  Esprit,  B.  de  Sa.  Marie,  Les  phiyues, 
C.  St.  Jean,  Si.  .laecjues,  C.  ilcs  Sahlons,  G.  de  St,  Cllri^;torte,  R.  de  St. 
Antlioinc,  W.  de  lionne  .Merc,  Haye  de  St.  .lean  Maplij-to,  Arcipcl  dc 
Kslienne  Gomez,  Les  Montaigne.s  and  U.  de  Vfdie. 

^  (>rtliisi:la!«  are  Die  R.  de  Canoes,  l{.  S(  ( lie,  Phiync,  Custe  de  Diiii,  R. 
d'Arbres,  wliich,  on  the  map  .mi,  of  tlie  .Mnnieli  .\tlas,  said  to  have  been 
taken  from  flie  map  of  the  Spanish  ('osm()i;raplier,  .Vlon/o  d(>  Santa  Crnz, 
are  given,  R.  du  Canoas,  Ji  Seeo,  Terra  liana,  Costa  de  I)iei;<j,  li.  d 
Arvoredos. 

*  The  name  of  Avoroba!>ra.  on  the  wcit  side  of  the  great  bay,  is  found 
in  place  of  C.  de  ^I  u  lias  illas  of  the  Ribero  map.  This  is  sup))osed  to 
li;ive  been  intendcil   foi  Noi  iiinlicLra 


44 


VERllAZZANO. 


gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  those  of  Jacques  Cartier,  are 
sliown  by  the  names.  Tbe  whole  coa^t  chiimed  by  the 
lett(!r  is  thus  assigned  to  ether  parties  than  Ver- 
raz/ano.  The  logical  maxim,  exprnfisio  anim  est  fxcltmo 
alterim,  must  here  apply.  The  expression  of  the 
Spanish  discoveries,  at  least  exclude  those  of  Ver- 
razzuno;  demonstrating  almost  to  a  moral  certainty 
that  the  latter  could  never  have  been  performed  for 
the  king  of  France.  The  author  of  this  map,  whether 
executing  it  under  oflicial  responsibility  or  upon  his 
own  account,  would  not  have  avscribed,  or  dared  to 
ascril)e,  to  a  foreign  nation,  much  less  to  a  rival,  the 
glory  which  l^elonged  to  his  own  sovereign,  then  living, 
whose  protection  he  enjoyed. 


AK.MS  OF  'I'llK  DAUnUN,  AI-TKIUV AHDn  IIL'NKY  11. 
From  the  MujijuliiOiuit  putiliriliid  by  M.  Jc.umrd. 


COAST   GEOGRAPUY   MISREPRKSENTED. 


45 


TV. 


II.      MrSIlKPRESKNTATIOXS  IX  REOARlt  TO  THE  GEOiiRAPTTY  OP 

THE  Coast.     The  Ciiesai'Kake.     The  Island  oi  Louise, 
Massachusetts  Bay. 

Til  pursuing  its  niaiu  object  of  making  known  the 
(li.«cuvery,  the  hotter  ventures  upon  certain  statements 
which  are  utterly  inconsistent  with  txn  actual  explora- 
tion of  the  country.  The  general  position  and  direc- 
tion of  the  const  a^e  given  with  sullicient  correctness 
to  indicate  the  presence  there  of  a  navigator ;  but 
its  geographical  features  are  so  meagrely  and  untruth- 
fidly  represented,  as  to  prove  that  he  could  not  have 
been  the  writer.  The  same  apparent  inconsistency 
exists  as  to  the  natural  history  of  the  country.  Some 
details  are  given  in  regard  to  the  natives,  which  cor- 
resporid  w'lih  their  known  characteristics,  but  others 
are  flograntly  false.  'I 'lie  account  is  evidently  the  work 
of  ii.  perscni  who,  with  .in  im))erfect  outline  of  the  coast, 
by  another  hand,  lieforo  him,  undertocjk  todow^ribe  its 
hydrograi)hical  character  at  a  venture,  so  far  as  lie 
deemed  it  prudent  to  say  anything  on  th(  subject; 
and  to  give  the  natural  history  of  tin.'  country,  in  the 
same  way,  foiuidt^d  on  other  ai^counts  of  parts  of  the 
new  world.  The  actual  falsity  of  the  statements  al- 
luded to  is,  at  all  events,  sufhcient  to  justify  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  whole  story.  So  far  as  tlu'y  relate  to  the 
littor.d,  they  are  now  to  be  considered. 


40 


VEKRAZZANO. 


In  g-eiienil,  the  g('op;r!iphy  of  the  const  is  very 
indefinitely  described.  01' its  latitudes,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  landt'iili  and  termination  of  the  explora- 
tion, which  are  fixed  also  by  other  means,  and  are 
necessary  to  the  ground  work  of  the  stoiy,  only  a 
single  one  is  mentioned.  The  particular  features  of 
the  coa.st  are  for  the  most  part  unnoticed.  Long 
distances,  embracing  from  two  hundred  to  six  hundred 
miles  each,  are  passed  over  with  little  or  no  remark. 
Islands,  rivers,  capes,  hays,  and  other  land  or  .seamarks, 
by  whicii  navigators  usually  de.scribe  their  progress 
along  an  unknown  coast,  are  almost  entirely  unmen- 
tioned  For  a  distance  of  over  two  thousaiid  miles, 
adopting  the  narrowest  limits  possible  assigned  to  the 
discovery,  only  one  island,  one  river,  and  one  bay  are 
attempted  to  be  desciibed,  and  not  a  single  cape  or 
headland  is  referred  to.  No  name  is  given  to  any  of 
them,  or  to  any  part  of  the  coast,  except  the  one  island 
which  is  named  after  the  king's  mother.  It  was  the 
uniform  practice  of  the  Catholic  navigators  of  that  early 
period,  among  whom,  according  to  the  import  of  the 
letter,  V'erra/zano  was  one,  to  designate  the  places 
discovered  by  them,  by  the  nauies  of  the  saints  whose 
feasts  were  observed  on  the  days  they  were  discovered, 
or  of  the  festivals  of  the  church  celebrated  on  those 
days;  so  that,  saj's  Oviedo,  it  is  possible  to  trace  the 
cours(j  of  any  such  explorer  along  a  new  coast  by 
means  of  the  church  calendar.  This  custom  was 
not  peculiar  to  the  countrymen  of  that  historian.  It 
was  observed  by  the  Portuguese  and  also  by  the  French, 
as  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier  attest. 
But  nothi)ig  of  the  kind   appears  here.     These  omis- 


COAST  GECHlRAreY    MISRErRESEN'TED. 


47 


»g 


sions  of  the  ordinary  and  accMistoined  practices  of  voy- 
agers are  suspicious,  and  of  themselves  sufficient  to 
destroy  all  confidence  in  the  narrative.  But  to  proceed 
to  what  is  actually  stated  in  regard  to  the  coast. 

Taking  the  landfall  to  have  occurred,  as  is  distinctly 
claimed,  at  latitude  34°,  which  is  a  few  leagues  north 
of  Cape  Fear  in  North  Carolina,  and  which  is  fixed 
with  certainty,  for  the  purposes  of  the  letter,  at  that 
point  by  the  estimate  of  the  distance  they  ran  north- 
erly along  the  coast  before  it  took  an  easterly  direction, 
the  discovery  must  ])e  regarded  as  having  commenced 
somewhat  south  of  Cape  Roman  ni  South  Carolina, 
being  the  point  where  the  fifty  leagues  terminated 
which  they  ran  alon-;^  the  coast,  in  the  first  instance, 
south  of  tlie  landfiill.  It  is  declared  that  from  thence, 
for  two  hundrefl  leagues,  to  the  Hudson  river,  as  it 
will  appear,  there  was  not  a  single  harbor  in  which 
the  Dauphine  could  ride  in  safety.'  The  size  of  this 
craft  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  is  said  she  carried  only 
fifty  men,  though  manned  as  a  corsair.  Judging  from 
the  size  of  the  vessels  used  at  that  time  on  similar 
expeditions,  she  was  small.  The  two  which  composed 
the  first  expedition  of  Jacques  Cartier  carried  sixty 
men  and  were  each  of  about  sixty  tons  burden. 
The  Carli  letter,  which  must  be  assumed  to  express 
the  idea  of  the  writer  on  the  subject,  describes  her  as 
a  canivel;  which  was  a  vessel  of  light  draught  adapted 
to  enter  shallow  rivers  and  harbors  an*]  to  double  un- 
known capes  where  shoals  uught  have  formed,  and 
was  therefore  much  used  by  the  e;  rly  navigators  of  the 

'  A  league,  nccording  lo  I  lie  Verrazzano  letter,  i.'onsistcd  of  tour  miles; 
(lud  a  degree,  of  IS.GS.')  leagues  or  li2i  miles. 


1^ 


48 


VERHAZZANO. 


new  world.'  Columbus  chose  two  caravels,  out  of  the 
three  vessels  with  whicli  he  made  his  first  voyage  ;  uid 
the  third  one,  Avhich  was  larger  than  either  of  the  cara- 
vels, was  less  than  one  hundred  tons.  The  Dauphine  is 
therefore  to  be  considered,  from  all  the  representations 
in  regard  to  her,  of  less  than  the  latter  capacity,  and 
as  specially  adapted  to  the  kind  of  service  in  wliich 
she  is  alleged  to  have  been  engaged.  In  running  north 
from  their  extreme  southerly  limit,  they  must  have 
passed  the  harbor  of  Georgetown  in  South  (^arolina, 
and  Beaufort  in  North  Carolina,  in  either  of  Avhich 
the  vessel  could  have  entered,  and  in  the  latter,  carry- 
ing seventeen  feet  at  low  water  and  obtaining  perfect 
shelter  from  all  winds.^  But  if  they  really  had  been 
unabi'}  to  find  either  of  them,  it  is  impossible  that  they 
should  not  have  discovered  the  Chesapeake,  and 
entered  it,  under  the  alleged  circumstances  of  theii^ 
search.  That  it  may  be  seen  what  exactly  is  the 
statement  of  the  letter  in  regard  to  this  portion  of  the 
coast,  it  is  here  given  in  its  own  terms.  Having  re- 
presented the  explorers  as  having  reached  a  point 
fifty  leagues  nortli  of  the  landfall,  which  would  have 
carried  them  nortii  of  llatteras,  but  still  on  the  coast 
of  North  Carolina,  their  movements  over  the  next 
four  hundred  miles  north  are  disposed  of  in  the  follow- 
ing summary  manner:  "After  having  remained  here," 
(that  is,  at  or  near  Albemarle.)  "three  days  riding  at 
anchor  on  the  coast,  as  we  could  find  no  harbor,  we 
determined  to  depart  and  coast  along  the  shore  to  the 


'  I^  Muyeii  Agnetla  liejuiwsanre.    Tome  Second.    Marbk^,  par  51    A. 
.J;il.  fol.  V.  (Paris  1S40,) 
■^  Jilunl's  Aintriaoi  CociHt  I'ilot,  p.  ;{.j',»  (ll)ili  ndilioii.) 


COAST    GEOGRAPHY     MISREI'RESKNTED. 


49 


northeast,  kooj)ing  sail  on  the  vessel  only  hy  daj,  and 
coming  to  auehor  hy  night.  After  proceeding  one 
hundred  leagues  we  found  a  veri/  pleasant  situaflon 
among  mme  steep  hUh,  tliroaijh  which  a  very  large  river, 
deep  at  its  mouth,  forced  its  loay  to  the  sea."  There  can 
be  no  mistake  in  regard  to  the  portion  of  the  coast 
here  intended,  tipon  leaving  this  river  they  found 
that  the  coast  stretched,  it  is  stated,  as  will  presently 
appear,  in  an  easterly  direction.  A  stream  coming 
from  the  hills,  its  situation  at  the  bend  of  the  coast, 
its  latitude  as  fixed  by  that  of  the  port  which,  after 
leaving  it,  they  found  in  nearly  the  same  parallel  and 
which  is  placed  in  4 J  MO',  all  point  distiuctly  to  the 
embouchure  of  the  Hudson  at  the  highlandsof  Nave- 
sink  as  the  termination  of  the  hundred  leagues.  With- 
in this  distance  the  (Chesapeake  empties  into  the  sea. 

The  explorers  were  not  only  in  search  of  a  harbor 
for  the  purpose  of  recruiting,  but  they  were  seeking, 
as  the  great  end  of  the  voyage,  a  passage  to  Cathay, 
rendering,  therefore,  every  opening  in  the  coast  an 
object  of  peculiar  interest  and  importance.  They  were 
sailing  with  extreme  caution  and  observation,  h  the 
day-time  only,  and  constantly  in  sight  of  laud.  The 
bay  of  the  Chesapeake  is  the  most  accessible  and  capa- 
cious oit  the  coast  of  the  United  States.  It  presents  an 
opening  into  the  sea  of  twelve  miles  from  cape  to  cape, 
having  a  broad  and  deep  channel  through  which  the 
largest  ships  of  modern  times,  twenty  times  or  more 
the  tonnage  of  the  Dauphiny,  may  enter  and  lind  inside 
of  Cape  Henry  ample  and  safe  anchorage.^  That  an 
actual  explorer  could  not  have  failed  to  have  discovered 


Bluul's  Aiiicrimn  Coant  I'ihl^  p.  ;M0. 


50 


VEUllAZZANO. 


this  bay  and  found  a  secure  harbor  at  thot  time,  is 
shown  by  the  accoutit  of  the  expedition,  wlilch  tlie 
Ad(>lantado,  I\>(h'o  Menciudez,  of  infamous  memory, 
despat(!hed  under  the  eonnnand  of  Pedro  Menendez 
Marquez,  for  tlie  survey  of  this  coast  in  1573 ;  when 
the  means  and  facilities  of  navigators  for  exploration 
were  not  difterent  from  wiiat  existed  at  the  date  of  the 
Verrazzano  voyage.  Menendez  Marquez  was  the  first 
to  enter  the  (Chesapeake  after  Gomez,  who  gave  it  the 
name  of  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria.'  IJareia  tlius  sum- 
marizes the  result  of  the  expedition,  so  far  as  it  relates 
to  this  bay, 

"  Pedro  Meneiidoz  Marquez,  govcruor  of  Florida  for  liis  uncle  the 
Adclautado  reduced  many  IndianK  to  obedience  and  took  possession 
of  the  provinces  particularly  in  the  name  of  the  king,  in  the  prea- 
cnci'  of  itodrigo  de  ( "arrion,  notary  of  the  govornmcnt  of  Santa  Jslcna. 
Ai'tcrwanls,  he,  being  a  great  yeanian,  inasnuich  ai  he  had  formerly 
been  admiral  of  tiie  fleet,  as  Francisco  Cauo  relates.  Li}>.  3,  de  la 
Ilistor.  dc  Ina  Ordcnes  Milltnrt'n,  fol.  184,  went,  by  order  of  the 
Adelantado,  to  explore  the  coa.st,  which  exploration  commenced  at 
the  cape  of  the  Martyrs,  and  the  peninsula  Tequesta  [point  of 
Florida],  whore  the  coast  begins  to  run  north  and  south,  at  the  out- 
let of  the  ]?ahunia  channel,  and  exteiuled  along  the  coast  to  beyond 
the  harbor  and  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  which  is  three  leagues  wide  and 
which  is  entered  towardsi  the  northwest;  and  within  it  are  many 
rivers  and  harbors  where,  on  both  nidcs  of  it,  tliey  can  anchor.  At 
the  entrance,  near  the  shore,  on  the  south,  there  are  from  nine  to 
thirteen  fathoms  of  wadr,  and  on  the  north  from  five  to  aeven.  Two 
leagues  outside,  in  the  sea,  the  depth  is  the  same,  north  aud  .^outh, 
but  more  sandy  than  inside.  Going  tiirough  the  channel  there  are 
from  nine  tn  thirteen  fathoms ;  and  in  the  harbor  about  fifteen,  tea 
and  six  fathoms  were  found  in  places  where  the  lead  was  thrown." 
"The  bay  of  Santa  Maria  is  in  thirty-seven  degrees  and  a  half.-" 


'This  name  occurs  on  llio  map  of  llihero  un  lliis  part  of  the  coast, 
which  establislies  its  application  by  Gome/, ;  but  its  position  is  evidently 
misplacL'il  and  carried  too  far  soulli.  ,. 

■"  Enxayo  Ckronnloyici),  \\[\.  110,  8. 


COAST    (JKOGRAI'IIV     MISRKPKESKNTEU. 


51 


To  ignore  the  existence  of  this  great  bay,  the  most 
iinjxx'tant  hydrographical  feature  of  our  coast,  as 
Vui'Vd/MiuOy  according  to  the  letter,  does,  and  to  pre- 
tend that  no  harbor  coiihl  be  found  there,  in  which  the 
diminutive  Dauphin y  could  lie,  is,  under  the  circum- 
stances under  which  this  ex[)loration  is  alleged  to 
have  been  conducted,  to  admit  that  he  was  never  on 
that  part  of  the  coast. 

Suddenly  leaving  the  river  of  the  hills,  in  conse- 
(}uence  of  an  approaching  storm,  they  continued  their 
court*  directly  east  for  a  distance  of  ninety-five  leagues, 
passing  in  sight  of  the  island  and  arriving  finally  at 
the  ba}',  which  are  the  only  ones  described,  and  that 
very,  briefly,  in  the  wliole  voyage  along  the  coast. 

"  Weighing  auchor,"  reads  tiie  letter,  "  we  sailed  eighty  leagues 
towards  the  east,  as  the  coast  stretched  in  that  direction,  and  always 
in  sight  of  it.  At  length  we  discovered  an  island  of  triangular 
form,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  main  land,  in  size  about  ecjual  to 
tlio  island  of  Rhodes,  having  many  hills  covered  with  trees  and  well 
pei  pled,  judging  from  the  great  number  of  fires  which  we  saw  all 
around  its  shores;  we  gave  it  the  name  of  your  majesty's  illustrioiia 
m  ther.  Wa  Jitl  not  land  thre.  as  the  weather  was  unfavorable,  but 
proceeded  to  another  plaee,  fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  island, 
whore  we  ll)uud  a  very  excellent  harbor.  *  *  *  This  land  is  situated 
in  tlie  parallel  of  Rome,  l>eing  -11^  40'  of  north  latitude  It  looks 
towards  the  soutli,  on  which  side  the  harbor  is  half  a  league  broad; 
afterwards,  upon  entering  it  between  the  east  and  the  north  it  ex- 
tends twelve  leagues,'  and  then  enlarging  itself  it  forms  a  very  large 
bay,  twenty  leagues  in  circumference,  in  which  are  five  small  islands 
of  great  fertility  and  beauty,  covered  with  large  and  lofty  trees. 
Among  these  islands  any  fleet,  iiowever  large,  might  ride  safely, 
without  fear  of  tempests   or  other   dangers.     Turning  towards   the 

'  A  sliglit  correction  of  the  translation  of  Dr.  Cogswell,  which  is  the  one 
we  have  adopted,  liere  heeomcs  iieresBaiy  It  reads  :  "  upon  entering  it 
tlie  extent  l)etwecn  tlic  cast  (niistirinted  couhI),  niul  north  is  twelve 
h'MirucM.''  Tlic  text  is,  "  I'ntrando  in  qiiello  inlV.'i  uriciitc  c  si'ttcntriinio 
."'estendi;  k'iihe  XII." 


52 


VKRRAZZANO. 


soutli,  at.  tlic  entranoo  of  tho  harbor  on  both  sides  thero  nro  very 
pk'iisjiiit  lii.l.s  und  inuiiy  ^troaiiis  ot'<;lear  water  wliii.-h  flow  dnwii  to 
tlie  soa.  Ill  tho  inid.st  of  the  ciitranco  there  is  a  rock  of  freestone, 
foruied  by  nature  and  suitable  for  the  construction  of  any  iiind  of 
machine  or  bulwark  for  the  defence  of  the  harbor." 

Tliia  island  is  a  more  fancy  ;  none  .such  oxistH  any 
whore  upon  thin  coast.  The  distance  which  tiiey  thus 
ran  easterly,  of  ci<rhty  leagues,  would  have  carried 
them  jnore  than  an  iiundred  miles  into  the  ocean 
beyond  Cape  Cod.  That  distance,  however,  may  be 
regarded  oidy  as  approximate,  because  they  possessed 
no  moans  of  determining  longitude  with  accuracy,*  and 
therefore  this,  like  all  statements  in  the  letter,  of 
distances  running  east  and  west,  is  to  be  considered 
an  estimate  onl}',  formed  from  the  eircumstancea  at- 
tending the  sailing  of  the  vessel,  and  liable  to  serious 
error.  But  the  island  and  bay  were  objects  of  actual 
ob,servation,  and  are  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  they 
are  described.  After  leaving  Long  Island,  which  forms 
the  coast  in  an  easterly  direction  for  a  little  over  an 
hundred  miles  from  the  Hudson,  only  three  islands 
occur,  except  some  insignificant  ones  and  the  group  of 
the  Elizabeth  islands  all  near  the  shore,  in  the  entire 
distance  to  the  oast(;rly  shore  of  Cape  Cod,  when  the 
coast  turns  directly  north.  They  are  all  throe  some- 
what of  a  triangular  shape,  ajid  in  that  respect  are 
equally  entitled  to  consideration  in  connectioti  with 
the  description  of  the  island  of  Louise,  but  are  all  in- 
compatible with  it  ill  other  particulars.  ,  Louise  is 
represented  as  being  a  very  large  island,  equal  in  size 
to  the  famous  island  of  Rhodes,  which  has  an  area  of 
four  hundred  S(|uaro  miles,  and  as  being  situated  ten 
leauucs  distant  from  the  main  land       The  tirst  of  the 


COAST    UKOUKAl'llV     MISRKI'HESENTED. 


63 


three  islands  mot  with,  eastward  of  Long  fshmd,  is 
JJlock  island.  It  contains  less  than  twenty  H(|nare  miles 
ol'  territory  and  lies  only  three  leagues  from  the  land; 
and  thus  both  by  its  smallness  and  position  cannot  be 
taken  as  the  island  of  Louise.  It  has,  however, 
been  so  regarded  by  some  writers,  because  on  the  nniin 
land,  about  five  leagues  distant,  are  found  Narragan- 
set  bay  and  the  harbor  of  Newport,  which,  it  is  im- 
aginiKl,  bear  some  resemblance  to  the  bay  and  harbor 
which  the  explorers  entered  fifteen  leagues  beyond  the^ 
island  of  Louise,  and  which  cannot  be  elsewhere  found. 
But  Narraganset  bay  does  not  correspond  in  any 
particular  with  the  bay  described  in  the  letter,  except 
as  to  its  southern  exposure  and  its  latitude,  and  as  to 
them  it  has  no  more  claim  to  consideration  than  Buz- 
zard's bay,  three  leagues  further  east,  and  in  other 
respects  not  so  much.  Newport  harbor,  several  miles 
inside  of  Narraganset  bay,  faces  the  north  and  west, 
and  not  the  south.  The  whole  length  of  that  bay, 
including  the  harbor  of  Newport  from  the  ocean  to 
Providence  river,  is  less  than  live  leagues,  and  its 
greatest  breadth  not  more  than  three.  But  the  harbor 
described  in  the  letter  first  as  extending  twelve  leagues 
and  then  enlarging  itself,  formed  a  large  bay  of  twenty 
leagues  in  circumference.  The  two,  it  is  clear,  are  essen- 
tially unlike.  The  great  rock  rising  out  of  the  sea  at  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor,  has  no  existence  in  this  bay  or 
harbor.  Narraganset  bay,  therefore,  aflbrds  no  support 
to  the  idea  that  Block  island,  or  any  other,  is  the  island 
of  Louise.  Martha's  Vineyard,  the  second  of  the  three 
islands  before  mentioned,  is  the  largest  of  them,  but  it 
contains  only  one  hundred  and  twenty  square  miles  of 


54 


VKKHAZZANO. 


liiiid,  and  i.s  within  two  leiigucs  ot"  the  nniin  land, 
Nantucket,  tlic  la,.st  of  the  three,  is  le.ss  than  halt'  thu 
ai?.o  ol"  Martha'.s  Vineyard,  and  is  ahont  thirty  miles 
from  Cape  ( \)d,  the  nearest  part  t)f  the  continent.  From 
neither  of  them  in  any  harbor  to  bo  reached  corre- 
spondinj^  with  that  mentioned  in  the  letter.  It  in  in- 
controvertible, therefore,  that  there  is  neither  island 
nor  bay  on  this  coast  answering  the  description.  It  is 
not  dilUcnlt  to  perceive  that  the  island  of  Louise  was 
fi,  mere  invention  and  artifice  on  the  part  of  the  writer 
to  give  consistency  to  the  pretension  that  the  voyage 
originated  with  Francis.  This  island  is  the  only  one 
of  which  particular  mention  is  made  in  the  whole  ex- 
ploration. Yet  it  was  not  visited  or  seen  except,  in 
sailing  by  it,  at  a  distance.  Its  pretended  hills  and 
trees  disclosed  nothing  of  its  character;  and,  under 
such  circumstances,  its  alleged  dimensions  were  all  that 
could  have  entitled  it  to  such  particular  notice  and 
made  it  worthy  of  so  exalted  a  designation  ;  and  to 
those  no  island  on  this  coast  has  any  claim. 

There  is  little  room  to  doubt  from  the  description 
itself,  and  the  fact  will  be  conlirmedJjy  other  evidence 
hereafter,  that  the  bay  intiiuded  to  be  described  was 
the  great  bav  of  Massachusetts  and  Maine  terminat- 
ing  in  the  bay  of  Fundy.  It  is  reprysented  as  making 
an  ofl>*et  in  the  coast  of  twelve  leagues  towards  the 
north,  and  then  swelling  into  an  enclosed  bay  beyon'', 
of  twenty  leagues  in  circumference,  indical'  -e 

bays,  in  their  form.  The  distances,  it  is  tr  ,>>  not 
conform  to  those  belonging  to  that  part  of  the  <'oast ; 
but  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  tliat  they  may  have  been 
taken,  according  to  the  only  view  which  can  reconcile 


COAST   r.KcXIRArilV    MISUEI'UKSENTED. 


55 


the  contnirlictions  of  the  lottor,  from  an  iniprrfect  de- 
linoation  of  the  coast  by  another  hand.  The  identity 
of  the  two  is,  however,  proven,  without  recourse  to 
tiiis  exphmation,  by  the  description  of  tlic  coast  beyond, 
which  is  given  as  follows  : 

"  Having  supplied  ourselves  with  ovory  thing  necessary,  wo  do- 
parted,  (in  the  sixth'  of  May,  from  tiiis  port  [wliere  they  had  re- 
mained fifteen  days]  and  miU.d  one  hiintln-d  ami  fifty  Iviujuv*,  hep- 
iwj  so  near  to  the  coast  as  never  to  lose  if  from,  our  stijht ;  the  nature 
of  the  country  appeared  much  the  same  as  before,  but  the  moiintaxus 
were  a  little  higher  and  ail  in  appearance  rich  inmincrals.  We  did 
not  stop  to  land,  us  the  weather  was  very  favorable  for  pursuing  our 
voyage,  and  the  country  presented  no  variety.  The  shore  stretched 
It)  the  eoHt,  and  fifty  leagues  l)cyoiid  luorc  to  the  north,  where  wo 
found  a  more  elevated  country  full  of  very  thi<'k  woods  of  fir  trees, 
eyprcsaos  aud  the  like,  indicative  of  a  cold  climate.  The  people 
were  entirely  difTerent  {'roni  the  others  wo  had  seen,  whom  we  iiad 
found  kind  and  gentle,  but  these  were  so  rude  and  barbarous  that 
we  were  unable  by  any  signs  we  could  make  to  hold  couimuuicatiou 
with  theiu." 

This  is  all  that  is  mentioned  in  regard  to  the  entire 
coast  of  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  embracing  a 
distance  of  eight  hundred  miles  according  to  this  com- 
putation, but  in  fact  much  more.  It  is  here  stated, 
however,  distinctly,  that  from  tiie  time  of  leaving  the 
harbor,  near  the  island  of  Louise,  they  kept  close  to 
the  land,  which  ran  in  ati  easterly  direction,  and  con- 
stantly  in  sitjhl  of  if,  lor  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues. 
This  they  could  not  have  done  if  that  harbor 
were  on  any  part  of  the  coast,  west  of  Massachusetts 
bay.  If  they  sailed  from  Narraganset  bny,  or  Buz- 
zard's bay,  or  from  any  harbor  on  that  coast,  east  of 
Long  Island,  they  would  in  the   course   of  twenty 


'  According  to  the  Archimo  Stwico  Italiuno,  aud  not  the  fifth,  as  given 
in  N.  y.  Hist.  Coll. 


56 


VERRAZZANO, 


leagues  at  the  furthest,  in  an  easterly  direction,  have 
reached  the  easterly  extremity  uf  the  peninsula  of 
Cape  Cod,  and  keeping  close  to  the  shore  would  have 
been  forced  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  in  a  north- 
erly and  west  of  north  direction,  and  thence  along  the 
coast  of  Maine  northeasterly  a  further  aistance  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles,  and  been  finally  locked  in  the 
bay  of  Fundy.  It  is  only  by  running  from  Cape  Sable 
along  the  shores  of  Nova  Scotia  that  this  course  and 
distance,  in  sight  of  the  land,  can  be  reconciled  with 
the  actual  direction  of  the  coast ;  and  this  makes  the 
opening  between  Cape  Cod  and  Cape  Sable  the  large 
bay  iiitendcid  in  the  letter.  But  this  opening  of  eighty 
leagues  in  width,  could  never  have  been  seen  by  the 
writer  of  it ;  and  nothing  could  more  conclusively 
prove  his  ignorance  of  the  coast,  than  his  statements 
that  from  the  river  among  the  hills,  fo*'  the  distance 
of  ninety-five  leagues  easterly  to  the  harbor  in  4P40' 
N.  and  from  thence  for  a  further  distance  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  also  easterly,  the  land  was 
always  in  sight. 


■^^-'-jX-ifc, 


ttS^St 


CAPE  HENRY  AND  ENTKAME  INTO  TIIK  fllE'  \Pli;AKE. 

Li{jlill">ii»i\   wllh  lauttMU   (2!)  foct  ahdv,    iho  sea,  bearing  \V    N.  \V.  !i  W.,  three 

loaguuBiiititant. 


PRIOR   KNOWLEDGE   OF   TUE   NORTHERN   COAST. 


57 


V. 


III.     Cape  Breton  and  the  RouTTiERiiY  Coast  op   ISTew- 

FOUNDLAND,    HERE    CLAIMED    TO     HAVE     BEEN     DISCOVERED, 
WERE  KNOWN  PREVIOUSLY.       PERVERSION    OF   TUE   TeXT  OP 

THE  Letter  by  Ramusio. 

By  the  two  courses  and  distances  last  mentioned, 
the  explorers  are  brought  first  to  the  island  of  (Jape 
Breton,  and  then  to  the  cape  of  that  name,  where 
the  coast  first  takes  a  decided  turn,  from  its  easterly 
direction,  to  the  north,  and  forms  the  westerly  side  of 
the  strait  leading  into  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  This 
cape,  according  to  the  letter,  is  distant  easterly  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  and  fifty,  leagues  from  the  harbor 
in  the  great  bay,  distances  which,  for  reasons  already 
mentioned,  are  to  be  regarded  as  estimates  only,  but 
which  taken  exactly  would  have  carried  them  beyond 
Cape  Race  in  NeAvfoundland.  They  are  to  be  con- 
sidered, however,  as  properly  limited  to  the  turn  of 
the  coast  before  mentioned,  as  that  is  a  governing  cir- 
cumstance in  the  description.  Beyond  this  point, 
north,  and  east,  the  letter  presents  the  claim  to  the 
di^'covery  in  another  aspect.  Thus  far  it  relates  to 
portions  of  the  coast  confessedly  unknown  before  its 
date.  But  from  (Jape  Breton,  in  latitude  40°  N.  to 
latitude  50''  N.  on  the  east  side  of  Nowfoundhmd,  it 
pretends  to  the  discovery  of  parts,  which  were  in 
8 


58 


VEHRAZZANO. 


fact  alroiuly  known ;  and  it  makes  this  clahn  under 
circuuLstances  wliieli  prove  it  was  so  known  by  tlie 
writer,  i I'the  letter  were  written  as  pretended.  Having 
described  their  attempts  at  intercourse  with  the  natives 
at  Cape  Breton,  the  narrative  concludes  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  coast  with  the  following  paragraph. 

"  Departing  from  thence,  wo  kept  alons^  the  coast,  steering  north- 
cast,  and  tbuud  the  country  more  plensant  and  open,  free  from  woods, 
and  distant  in  the  interior,  we  saw  lofty  mountains  but  none  which 
extended  to  the  shore.  Within  fifty  leagues  we  discovered  thirty- 
two  islands,  all  near  the  main  land,  small  and  of  pleasant  appearance, 
but  hitih  and  so  disposed  as  to  afford  excellent  harbors  and  channels, 
as  wc  see  in  tlie  Adriatic  gulf,  near  Illyria  and  Dalmatia.  We  had 
no  intercourse  with  the  people,  but  we  judge  tluit  they  were  similar 
in  nature  and  usages  to  those  we  were  last  among.  After  sailing  be- 
tween east  and  north  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  more,  and  find- 
ing our  provisions  and  naval  stores  nearly  exhausted,  we  took  in 
wood  and  water,  and  determined  to  return  to  France,  having  dis- 
covered {fiormlo  dismj^icrto'^  VII,'  that  is,  7UU  leagues  of  unknown 
lands." 

The  exact  point  at  which  they  left  the  coast,  and 
to  which  their  discov-ery  is  thus  stated  to  have  ex- 
tended, is  given  in  the  cosmography  which  follows  the 
narrative,  in  these  words  : 

"  In  the  voyage  which  we  have  made  hy  order  of  your  majesty,  in 
addition  to  the  92  degrees  we  ran  towards  the  west  from  our  point 
of  departure  (the  Desertas)  before  we  reached  land  in  the  latitude 
of  i]I.  we  have  to  count  30<>  leagues  which  we  ran  northeastwardly, 
and  4(10  nearly  east  along  the  coast  before  we  reached  the  SilC/t 
pural/cl  of  north  lati'tudc,  the  point  where  we  turned  our  course 
from  the  shore  towards  home.  Bijj'md  this  point  the  Portuguese  had 
alreiufj/  sailid  as  far  kx  the  Arctic  Circle,  ivilhouf  comimj  to  the  tcr- 
minatiun  of  the  land,^' 


'  "Tlie  iNIS.  has  erroneously  and  uselessly  the  rcpctitinii  VII,  tliatis,  7(M) 
IcMgiirs."'  .V'/A  J)y  M.  .\reaiii;cli,  II,  is  I'viiieiil  iliai  Vll  is  mislakenly 
reiiiK'rcil  502  in  llie  transcription  used  liy  Dr.  (Niuswell. 


PRIOR    KNOWLEDGE    OF   THE    NORTHERN   COAST. 


59 


Tliat  this  latitude  inust  bo  taken  as  correctly  deter- 
mined follows  from  the  representation  of  the  letter, 
that  they  took  daily  observations  of  the  sun  and  made 
a  record  of  them,  so  that  no  material  error  could  have 
occurred  and  remained  unrectifKid  for  over  twenty*- 
four  hours ;  and  from  the  presumption  that  tiiey  were 
;is  capable  of  calculating  the  latitude  as  other  navi- 
gators of  that  period,  sent  on  such  purposes  by  royal 
authority,  like  Jacques  Cartier,  whose  observations,  as 
the  accounts  of  his  voyage  to  this  regioii  show,  never 
varied  half  a  degree  from  the  true  latitude.  The 
fiftieth  parallel  strikes  the  easterly  coast  of  Newfound- 
land three  degrees  north  of  Cape  Race,  and  to  that 
point  the  exploration  of  Verrazzano  is  therefore  to  be 
regarded  as  claimed  to  have  been  made.' 

This  intention  is  made  positively  certain  by  the  re- 
mark which  follows  the  statement  of  the  latitude,  that 
"  beyond  this  point  the  Portuguese  had  already  sailed 
as  far  north  as  the  Artie  circle  without  coming  to  the 
termination  of  the  land."  The  exploration  of  the 
IVirtuguese  here  referred  to,  and  as  ftir  as  which  that  of 
\'errazzano  is  cai'ried,  was  made  by  Gaspar  Cortcreal  in 
iiis  second  voyage,  when  according  to  the  letter  of 
I'asqualigo  the  Venetian  embassalin^,  he  sailed  from 
Lisbon  on  a  course  between  west  and  northwest,  and 
struck  a  coast  along  which  he  ran  from  six  to  seven  hun- 
dred miles,  "without  finding  the  end.""  No  other  ex- 
ploration along  this  coast  by  the  Portuguese,  tending  to 


'  Ihxmmn  do  Qni'ii,  Chronica  (lo  fdiciasinio  rei  Dam,  Emanuel  parti'  i. 
r.  ((((.(FoL,  Lisbon,  15t«J.) 

''  Pi'aM  M/mmenk  ritnmiti.  Lil).  sexto,  cap.  r\xxi.  Venice,  1521.  A 
liiuislalion  iiiUi  Eiiglisli  of  I'liscimiligo's  lelliT,  wliidi  is  daleii  tlie  I'JUi  of 
t'liolwr,  MOl,  in  given  in  !lie  ineuioir  )1' Sebastian  (JatMjt,  p   2;5o-<i. 


60 


VERRAZZANO. 


the  Arctic  circle  is  known  to  have  taken  place  before  the 
publication  of  the  Verrazzano  letter.  The  first  voyage 
of Cortoreal,  was,  according  to  the  de.^ription  of  the 
people  given  by  Damiam  de  Goes,  among  the  Esqui- 
maux, whether  on  the  one  side  or  the  other  of  Davis 
straits  it  is  unnecessary  here  to  inquire,  as  the  Esqui- 
maux are  not  found  south  of  50°  N.  latitude.  The  land 
along  which  he  ran  in  his  second  voyage,  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  same  historian,  distinctly  named  after  him 
and  his  brother,  who  shared  his  fate  in  a  subsequent 
voyage.  It  is  so  called  on  several  early  printed  maps 
on  which  it  is  represented  as  identical  with  Newfound- 
land. It  appears  first  on  a  map  of  the  world  in  the 
Ptolemy  of  1511  edited  by  Bernardus Sylvanusof  Eboli, 
and  is  there  laid  down  as  extending  from  latitude  50° 
N.  to  60°  N.  with  the  name  of  Corte  Real  or  Court 
Royal,  latinized  into  Rec/ah's  Domus}  The  length  of 
tlie  coast,  corresponds  with  the  description  of  Pasqua- 
ligo,  and  its  position  with  the  latitude  assigned  by  the 
Verrazzaiio  letter  for  their  exploration.  Its  direction 
is  north  and  south.  There  can  be  no  question  there- 
fore as  to  the  pretension  of  the  Verrazzano  letter  to 
the  discovery  of  the  coast  by  him,  actually  as  far  north 
as  the  fiftieth  parallel. 

That  it  is  utterly  unfounded,  so  far  as  regards  that 
portion  of  the  coast  lying  east  and  north  of  Cape  Bre- 
ton, that  isj  from  46°  N.  latitude  to  50°  N.,  embrac- 
ing a  distance  of  five  hundred  miles  according  to 
actual  measurement,  or  eight  hundred  miles  according 


'  Vloidii  Pf/iokm(wi  AkTnndrini  liher  (/eoip'itpfiiiv:,  cvm  tnbuUs  etnniwr- 
g(Mpi»ra  et  cum  fuUUtiarui  locoruin  qnne  areKiUim'ibusreiMirki  sunt  diligenti 
ci,rfic'iiu')i(liiliii>ffimjm.iKVn.    (Fol.,  Vonetiis,  l.Tll.) 


f'RIOli    KNOWLEDGE   OF   THE    NORTHERN   COAST. 


Gl 


to  the  letter,  is  proven  by  the  fact,  that  it  liad  all  been 
known  and  frequented  by  Portuguese  and  French  fish- 
ermen, for  a  period  o^'  twenty  years  preceding  the 
V^errazzano  voyage.  The  Portuguese  fisheries  in  New- 
foundland must  have  commenced  shortly  after  the 
voyages  of  the  brothers  Cortereaes  in  1501-2,  as  they 
appear  to  have  been  carried  on  in  1506,  from  a  decree 
of  the  king  of  Portugal  published  at  Leiria  on  the  14th 
of  October  in  that  year,  directing  his  officers  to  collect 
tithes  of  fish  which  should  be  brought  into  his  kingdom 
from  Terra  Nova  ;*  and  Portuguese  charts  belonging  to 
that  period,  still  extant,  show  both  the  Portuguese  and 
French  discoveritjs  of  this  coast.  On  a  map  (No.  1,  of 
the  Munich  atlas,)  of  Pedro  Reinel,  a  Portuguese  pilot, 
who  entered  the  service  of  the  king  of  Spain  at  the 
time  of  fitting  out  Magellan's  famous  expedition,  Terra 
Nova,  and  the  land  of  Cape  IJreton  are  correctly  laid 
down,  as  regards  latitude,  though  not  by  name.  On 
Terra  Nova  the  name  of  C.  Raso,  (preserved  in  the 
modern  Cape  Race)  is  applied  to  its  southeasterly 
point,  and  other  Portuguese  names,  several  of  which 
also  still  remain,  designating  different  points  along  the 
easterly  coast  of  Newfoundhmd,  and  a  Poi'tuguese  ban- 
ner, as  an  embhun  of  its  discovery  by  that  nation,  are 
found.  Another  Portuguese  chart,  belonging  to  the 
period  whc  u  the  country  between  Florida  and  Terra 
Nova  was  unknown  (No.  1  of  the  same  atlas)  deline- 
ates the  land  of  (.'ape  Bretou,  not  then  yet  known  to 
be  an  island,  in  correct  relation  with  the  Bacalaos, 
accompanied  by  a  legend  that  it  was  discovered  by 


'  ^(iniirii'H  hJconomiriis  <iii  (iriukniiii  Bml  das  Sdencuu  de   I/ixlmi^  inn. 
Ill,  :iii:i. 


62 


VERRAZZANO. 


the  Bretons."  'I'he  French  authorities  are  more  ex- 
pUcit.  The  particuhir  parts  of  this  coast  discovered 
by  the  Normands  and  Uretons  with  the  time  of  their 
discovery,  and  by  the  Portuguese,  are  described  in  th(j 
discourse  of  the  French  captain  of  l)iep])e,  vvliicb  is 
found  in  the  collection  of  Kaniusio.  This  writer  states 
that  this  land  from  Cape  Breton  to  Cape  Race  was 
discovered  by  the  Bretons  and  Normands  in  lo01,and 
from  Cape  Race  to  ('ape  Bona.vista,  seventy  leagues 
north,  by  the  Portuguese,  and  from  thence  to  the 
straits  of  Belle  Isle  by  the  B^etons  and  Normands;  and 
that  the  country  was  visited  in  1508  by  a  vessel  from 
Dieppe,  commanded  by  Thomas  Aubert,  who  brought 
back  to  France  some  of  the  natives.  This  statement 
in  regard  to  the  Indians  is  confirmed  bv  an  account 
of  them,  which  is  given  in  a  work.  ],)rinted  in  Paris  at 
the  time,  establishing  the  fiict  of  the  actual  presence 
of  the  Normands  in  Newfoundland  in  that  year,  by 
contemporaneous  testimony  of  undoabteU  authority." 


'  Atliis  zur  entdcckunffngese/nchte  .■hnerikan.  Ikriinngcgehen  ron  F'ric(lnc7i 
KniiMimtun,  Kiirl  n»i  /<priinci\  Ocorf/  M.  Thomnx.  Zn  d/m  Afo/nn/iciittt 
/Snoiltiriiiilcr  K.  U.  Abtdi-)i(kdi'r\VixmnKi/iiif/<ii,'lH  lA (<■;.:,  Is,')!).  Mnnclieii. 

'  Etwhii  {'hroniwn,  contiiniccl  by  J^oiiniics  Mnltiviillis  ut  Louv;uii,  (Piiris 
151':)  Ibl.  172. 

We  give  hew,  w  triinslatiuu  oftlii^  iiUerestinji;  passage  n.rcrnMl  to  in  llio 
ti'.vt,  from  this  vohinu',  wliicli  caiiii!  trnm  tlic  celebrated  press  ol'  Henri 
Esiiciinc. 

^^  An  Bahitin.  \W^.  Sovon  savMircs  were  br'nigjit  to  Rouen  with  their 
•farnieiitsiintl  NM'iipoiis  IVoMi  the  islnnd  Ihey  e:itl  Terra  Xovii,  They  arc 
ot'a  darlv  coniiili'xioii,  li.ive  Ihiel;  ]ii)s  and  wear  niarlcs  on  their  I'are.s  ex- 
lending  along  their  jaws,  from  tlie  ear  to  the  middle  of  the  ehin  like  mnall 
livid  reins.  Tlu  ir  liair  is  blacl;  and  coarse  like  a  lu-rso's  nianc.  They 
liave  no  beard,  during  tlxir  lives,  or  hairs  of  puberty.  Nor  hnve  they  hair 
on  any  part  of  their  jiersons,  except  the  head  ami  eye-brows.  Tliey  wear 
a  girdle  on  whieh  is  a  small  skin  to  cover  tlu'ir  nakedness.  Tliey  form 
their  speecli  with  their  lips.  No  religion,  '/'/nir  luxtl  is  «f  hnrk  and  a 
man  may  carry  it  with  one  hand  on  liis  shoid(h'rs.  Tiieir  weapons  are 
"bows  drawn  with  a  siring  made  of  Ihn  inlesliiu'.sor  sinews  of  auiiiials,  and 


J'KIOR   KNOWLEDGE   OF   THE    NOUTIIERN    COAST.        03 


That,  the  French  and  especially  the  Normands  had 
soon  ifterwards  resorted  to  Newfoundland  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  fish,  and  were  actually  so  engaged 
th(!re  at  the  time  of  the  Verrazzano  voyage,  is  evident 
fiom  the  letter  of  John  Rut,  who  commanded  one  of  the 
ships  sent  out  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  by  Henry  V'^lII 
of  England  in  1527.  That  voyager  states  that,  driven 
from  the  north  by  the  ice,  he  arrived  at  St.  Johns  in 
Newfoundland  on  the  third  of  August  in  that  year, 
and  found  there  eleven  Normand,  one  Breton  and  two 
Portuguese  vessels,  "  all  a  fisliing." '  This  was  at  a 
single  point  on  the  coast,  and  in  latitude  47"  30'  N.; 
and  so  large  a  number  of  vessels  there  denotes  a  growth 
of  many  years,  at  that  time,  of  those  fisheries. 


arrows  poinlt'il  with  stono  or  Hsli-bonu.  Tlioir  food  consists  of  roasted 
tk'sii,  llicir  drink  is  water.  Bread,  wine  and  lUv.  use  of  money  tliey  liavc 
none.  They  go  aliont  nai<ed  or  dresst;il  in  the  skins  of  hears,  doer,  seals 
and  siniihir  animals.  Tlieir  country  is  in  t!u;  parallel  of  the  seventh  cli- 
mate, more  under  the  west  than  France  is  above  the  west."  Plus  sub 
occidente  quam  Gallicn  reijh  supra  occulentem.  By  "  west"  here  is  meant  the 
meridional  line  from  which  longitude  was  calculated  at  tlial  time,  through 
llic  Island  of  Ferro,  the  most  westerly  of  tiie  Canary  iNlunds,  and  the  idea 
liere  intended  to  he  conveyed  is  tliat  the  coimtry  of  these  Indians  was 
further  on  this  side  than  France  was  on  the  other  side,  of  that  line. 

This  description,  as  well  as  the  name.  Terra  Nova,  indicates  the  region 
of  Newfoundland  as  the  place  from  wiience  these  Indians  were  taken. 
According  to  the  tables  of  Pierre  d'Ailly  the  siventh  cliniate  commences  at 
47'  15'  N.  and  extends  to 'lO  30'  N.  l)eginnin,ir  where  the  longest  day  of 
the  year  is  15  hours  and  45  minutes  long.  (Inntj/o  MuniU,  tabh^s  prefixed 
to  lh(  first  cliapter.)  Tliis  embraces  the  grcsater  part  ol  tlie  southerly  and 
eiislerly  coasts  of  Newfoundland.  The  jiractice  of  tattooing  their  faces  in 
lines  across  the  jaws,  as  hi're  (le^cribed,  was  common  to  iill  the  tribes  of 
this  northern  coast,  flic  Nas((ua)iee8  of  Labrador,  the  red  Indians  of  New- 
foundlaiul  and  the  Micmacs  of  ('.ape  Breton  and  Nova  Scotia.  It  was 
from  ihr  use  of  red  ochre  for  this  purpose  that  the  natives  of  Newfound- 
land olilained  their  designation  <^f  red  Indians.  The  Micmacs  used  blue 
and  other  colors  ;  hence  it  would  appear  from  Ilii;  circumstiuice  of  the 
marks  upon  these  Indians  being  livid  (limUi)  or  blue,  tike  veins,  that  they 
belonged  to  the  tribes  of  Cape  Breton.  (Hind's  Lalnador  ii,  ftT-llO. 
Purchas,  Tir.  IS.'^O-I.  Denys.   {lUd.  nai.  dt:  tAirwrii/ue.  Sijil.  \i^  []H7.) 

■  I'lirchas,  III,  800.     Memoir  of  Hebastian   (Jahot,  [ip.  lOS,  'itii^,  and   the 
authorities  tlier(!  cited. 


Gl 


VERRAZZANO. 


These  facts  not  only  prove  that  Newfoundland  and 
Cape  Breton  were  well  known  in  France  and  Portugal 
before  the  Verrazzano  voyage  and  therefore  that  he 
did  not  discover  them,  but  that  he  must  have  known 
of  them  before,  and  that  the  letter  is  intentionally 
false  in  that  respect.  It  might  perhaps  be  insisted 
with  some  plausibility  under  other  circumstances,  that 
he  ran  along  the  coast,  believing  that  it  was  a  new 
land,  and  thenjfore  made  the  representation  of  having 
discovered  it  in  good  faith.  But  admitting  that  it  was 
even  possible  for  him  to  have  sailed  along  those  shores 
without  encountering  a  single  fishing  craft  which 
would  have  assured  him  that  he  was  not  in  unknown 
waters,  it  is  impossible  that  he  could  have  sailed  from 
Dieppe  and  returned  to  that  port  where,  of  all  the 
places  in  France  or  Europe,  the  knowledge  of  these 
facts  most  existed,  and  where  they  were  as  familiar  as 
household  wordd,  and  where  they  must  have  entered 
into  the  thoughts  and  hopes  of  many  of  its  inhabit- 
ants, without  their  being  known  to  him  ;  and  that  he 
could  have  written  the  letter  from  that  same  port, 
claiming  the  discovery  of  the  country  for  himself,  with- 
out intending  a  fraud.  It  was  the  port  to  which 
Aubert  belonged  and  where  he  landed  the  Indians  he 
brought  from  Newfoundland.  It  was  the  principal 
port  of  Normandy  from  which  the  fishing  vessels  made 
their  annual  voyages  to  that  country.  It  was  the  port 
from  whence  he  manned  and  equipped  his  own  tleet 
of  four  ships,  with  crews  which  must  have  been  largely 
composed  of  Normand  sailors  who  were  familiar  with 
the  navigation  and  the  coast.  And  there  was  not  a 
citizen  of  Dieppe,  probably,  who  had  not  an  interest 


S>i 


PRIOR    KNOWLEDGK   OF    THE    NOHTllKRN    COAST. 


05 


of  some  nature  in  one  or  more  of  the  lishing  ves8els, 
and  c.oald  have  told  him  what  country  it  was  that  he 
had  ox})lored. 

It  bears  unequivocal  testimony  to  the  fictitious 
character  of  this  claim,  that  Ramusio  thought  it 
necessary  to  interpolate  in  his  version  a  passage  repre- 
senting the  discovery  of  Verrazzano  as  terminating 
wh(!ro  the  discoveries  of  the  Bretons  began,  and  U)  omit 
the  cosmography  wliicli  states  it  was  at  the  point 
where  those  of  the  Portuguese  towards  the  Arctic  cir- 
cle commenced.  JJy  this  alteration  the  letter  is  made 
to  acknowledge  the  prior  discoveries  by  the  Bretons, 
which  arc  entirely  excluded  in  the  original  version,  and 
to  adopt  the  latitude  of  50*^  N.  for  the  Verrazzano  limit 
thus  making  the  false  statement,  as  to  the  extent  of  the 
discovery,  a  mistake  as  it  were  of  nautical  observation. 
The  following  parallel  passages  in  two  versions  will 
best  explain  the  character  and  effect  of  the  alteration. 

VERSION  OF  ("ARM,  VERSION  OF  RAML'SIO, 

Narrative  Narrative. 

\avioanrlo  infra  '1  siibsolano  ed  Navigandn  Ira  levante   &  tra- 

aquiloue  in  spatiu  di  leglie  OL  et  montaua  per  spatio  di  leglie  150, 

do  gih  avendo  consvunato  tuttc  le  pervenimo   propinqui   alia   terra 

nostresubstautienavale  e  vettova-  che  per   i.l   passato   trovorono   i 

glie,  avendo  discopvuto  legho  DPI  Brefloni,  quale  sta  in  ijradi  50  & 

cive  loglie  700,  pip  di  nuova  terra  havOdo  horaumi  eonsuuiati  tutti 

fornendoci  di  acque  er  legue  de-  li  uostri  armeggi  &  vettovaglie, 

liborammo  di  tornare  ia  Fiancia.  liavendo  scoperto  leghc  700,   & 

*'"****  piu  di  nuova  terra,  Ibrtiuoei  di 

acque     &     legue,     deliberauimo 
tornare  in  Prancia. 

^  'tC  Jf^  ?f.  ^  ^ 


Tn 


Cosmagraph}/. 


Vosmor/raphy  omitted. 


(■iuest;'.   nostra   navigationc 


fatta    per   ordine  di   V.   S.  M., 
oltre  i   gradi  92  che   da!    detto 
1) 


66 


VERRAZZANO. 


meridiano  verso  lo  occidento  della 
prima  terra  trovaino  gradi  34 
navigando  leghe  300  infra  oricnto 
csettentrione  logho'lOO,  rjuasi  alio 
oriento  coutinuo  el  litn  della  terra 
fiiaiuo  porvoDuti  per  infiuo  a  gradi 
50,  lasciando  la  terra  ehe  pii^i 
totiipo  fa  trovoruo  li  riusitani, 
quali  seguirno  piu  al  septentri- 
UDO,  perveiiendu  Hinu  al  ciroulo 
artico  e  '1  fine  lasciendo  incognito. 

Translation  Narrative, 

After  sailing  between  east  and 
north  the  ilistance  of  one  liundred 
and  fifty  ieagnes  more  and  find- 
ing our  provisions  and  naval 
stores  nearly  exhausted,  we  took 
in  wood  and  water,  and  detor- 
mined  to  return  to  France  hav- 
ing discovered  VII  that  is  700 
leagues  of  unknown  lands. 


Translation  Narrative. 

Sayling  northeast  for  the  space 
of  150  leagues  loe  approach<;d  to 
the  landi-  that  in  times  jxist  was 
iliscovered  hy  the  Britons,  which  is 
'in  Jl/tic  degrees.  Having  now 
spent  all  our  provision  and 
victuals  and  having  discovered 
about  700  leagues  and  more  of 
uowe  countries,  and  being  fur- 
nished with  water  and  wood  we 
concluded  to  returne  into  Fraunce. 

(Ilakluyt.  Divers  voyatjes,') 
****** 


Cosmography. 

In  the  voyage  which  we  made 
by  order  of  your  Majesty,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  92  degrees  wo  ran 
towards  the  west  from  our  point 
of  departure,  before  \se  reached 
land  in  the  latitude  of  34,  we 
have  to  count  300  leagues  which 
we  ran  northeastwardly,  and  400 
nearly  east  along  the  coast  before 
we  reached  the  bQth  parallel  of 
north  latitude,  the  poijit  where  we 
turned  our  course  from  the  shore 
towards  home.  Beyond  this  point 
the  Portuguese  had  already  sailed 


rUJUH    KNOWl.KDGK   OF    TllK    NOUTIIKKN    flOAST. 


67 


ai /nr  north  as  the,  Arctic  circle.^ 
without  lomiiKj  to  the  termination 
of  the  land. 

(Cogswell.  Coll.  ofN.  V.  m»t. 
Societj/,  Secoad  Berioe,  1.) 

Rainusio  in  oiuittiiig  the  cosmography  and  confin- 
ing his  version  to  the  narrative  would  have  left  the 
letter  without  any  designation  of  the  northerly  limit 
reached  by  Verrazzano,  had  he  not  transferred  to  the 
narrative,  the  stat'^ment  of  the  latitude  attained, 
namely,  the  fiftieth  degree,  from  the  cosmographical 
part ;  which  was  therefore  properly  done,  tliough  as 
an  editor  he  should  have  stated  the  fact.  But  he 
transcended  his  duty  entirely  in  asserting,  in  qualifica- 
tion of  the  latitude,  what  does  not  appear  in  the  letter, 
that  it  was  near  where  the  Bretons  had  formerly  made 
discoveries,  and  omitting  all  reference  to  the  Portu- 
guese. The  Bretons  are  not  mentioned  or  even  alluded 
to  in  either  portion  of  the  original  letter.  The  eifect 
of  this  substitution  therefore  is  to  relieve  the  original 
I'rom  making  a  false  claim  to  the  discovery  north  of 
Cape  Breton,  by  admitting  the  discoveries  of  the  Bre- 
tons, and  making  the  alleged  extent  of  the  Verrazzano 
discovery,  as  already  remarked,  a  mistake  of  nautical 
observation  only.  That  it  was  deliberately  made, 
and  for  that  purpose,  is  shown  by  his  taking  the  desig- 
nation of  the  latitude  from  the  same  sentence  in  the 

« 

cosmography  as  that  in  which  the  mention  of  the 
Portuguese  discoveries  occurs,  in  qualification  of  the 
latitude. 

The  motive  which  led  Ramnsio  to  make  this  altera- 
tion is  found  in  the  discourse  of  the  French  captain  of 
Dieppe,  in   which  it  is  stated   that  this  part  of  the 


68 


VEUKAZZANO. 


coast  was  discovered  by  the  Norinaiids  and  liietons 
and  the  Portuguese,  many  years  belbre  the  Verrnz/ano 
voyafjje.  Ifaniusio,  as  he  inlbnus  us  himself,  trans- 
lated that  paper  from  the  French  into  the  Italian 
and  published  it  in  the  same  volume,  in  conjunction 
with  the  Verrazzano  letter,  which  he  remodelled.  He 
thus  had  the  ctmttMits  of  both  documents  before  him, . 
at  the  same  time,  and  saw  the  contradiction  between 
them.  They  could  not  both  he  true.  To  leconcile 
them,  alterations  were  necessary  ;  and  this  chan<^e  was 
made  in  the  letter  in  order  to  make  it  conform  to 
the  discourse.  The  fact  of  his  making  it,  proves  that 
ho  regarded  the  letter  as  advancing  an  indefensible 
claim. 

It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  in  adopting  tlie  fiftieth 
parallel  as  the  extent  of  the  discovery  in  the  north, 
Kamusio  obtained  the  statement  from  the  cosmography, 
showing  that  he  had  that  portion  of  the  letter  before 
him;  and  conlinning  the  conclusion,  expressed  in  a 
prcivious  section,  that  his  version  was  composed  from 
the  Carli  copy  of  the  letter,  in  which  alone  the  cos- 
mography occurs.  Whether  this  limit  was  so  trans- 
posed by  him  for  a  purpose  or  not,  may  be  a  (question  j 
but  the  origin  of  it  cannot  be  disputed. 


ARTIFICIAL    DESCRllTION   OF    THE   COUNTKY. 


09 


VI. 


rV.    TiiF,  DEscurmoN  of  the  Pkkple  and  rRODurrioNB 

OF  TIIK  LaN'I)  N(iT  MADK  KliuM  I'llK  PlOKSONAl.  OUSICUVA- 
TKtN  OK  THE  WlUTIOH  Ob  TMi:  LeTTKK.  WiIAT  1>ISTIN'('TIVEI.Y 
IlELONOED  TO  THE  NaTIVEH  IS  UNNOTICED,  AND  WHAT  IS 
OUIOINALIiV    MENTIONED    OK    TIIKM    IS    UNTRUE.       FiJKTHEU- 

iMi'ORTANT  Altera rioNS  of  the  Text  dy  Kamuhio. 

We  are  brought  now  to  the  observations  m  rofer- 
cnee  to  tlie  people  and   productions  of  the  country. 
The  communicationH  which  tiie  explorers  had  with  the 
shore  are  not  represented  as  having  been  numerous, 
or  -their  visits  of  long  duration,  the  longest  having 
been  one  of  three  days,   while  they  were  riding  at 
anchor  off  the  coast  of  North  Carolina,  and  another 
of  fifteen,  spent  in  re})lenishing  the  supplies  for  their 
ship,  in  the  harbor  in  the  great  bay  of  Massachusetts. 
These  opportunities  were  however,  it  seems,  sulhcient 
to  have  enabled  them  to  study  the  charaetei'istics  of 
the  natives  and  to  determine  the  nature  of  the  vegeta- 
tion at  those  places ;  but  the  description  given  of  both 
is  very  general.     Not  a  single  person,  sagamore  or 
warrior,  or  even  the  boy  who  was  carried  away  to 
France,  is  designated  by  name,  nor  any  object  pecu- 
liar to  the  region  by  its  native  appellation.     Not  an 
Indian  word,  })v  which  a  locality  or  a  tribe  might  l)e 
traced,  occurs  in  the  whole  narrative.     fSome  familiar 
details  are  m<nitionod  of  Indian  manners  and  customs, 
which  give  the  account  the  appearance  of  truth,  but 


70 


VERUAZZANO. 


there  is  notliing  in  them  Avhicli  in  ay  not  have  Been 
deduced  from  known  narratives  of  earlier  voyages 
to  adjoining  parts  of  Amerijiij  while  much  that  was 
peculiar  to  the  country  claimed  to  have  been  dis- 
covered, and  of  a  character  to  compel  observation,  is 
omitted ;  and  some  particulars  stated  which  could  not 
have  existed. 

In  its  incidents  of  hidian  life  it  recalls  the  experi- 
ences of  Columbus.  Wh<  .1  the  great  discoverer  first 
came  to  the  island  of  Ilispaniola  it  is  related,  "  they 
saw  certaine  men  of  the  Islande  who  perceiving  an 
unkrowen  native  comming  toward  them,  iiocked 
tog'ither  and  ran  into  the  thicke  woodes,  as  it  had  bin 
hares  coiu'sed  with  greyhoundes.  Our  men  pursuing 
them  took  only  one  woman,  whom  they  brought  to  the 
ships,  where  filling  her  with  meate  and  wine,  and  appar- 
relling  her,  they  let  her  depart  to  her  companie."'  Also, 
"  their  boates  are  made  only  of  one  tree  made  hollow 
with  a  certain  sharpe  stone,  for  they  have  no  yron,  ynd 
are  very  long  and  narrow."  And  again,  "  when  our 
men  went  to  prayer,  and  kneeled  on  their  knees,  after 
the  manner  of  the  Christians,  they  did  the  like  also.  And 
after  what  manner  soever  they  saw  them  pray  to  the 
crosse,  they  followed  them  in  all  poyntea  as  well  as 
they  could." '  The  Verrazzano  letter  tells  us,  in  like 
phrase,  that  when  they  landed  at  the  end  of  fil'ty 
leagues  from  tlic  landfall,  "  we  found  that  the  people 
had  lied  to  the  woods  for  fear.  By  searching  around  we 
discovered  in  the  grass  a  very  old  woman,  and  a  young 
girl  of  about  eighteen  or  twenty,  who  had  concealed 
themselves  for  the  same  reason.     We  gave  them  a 


'  Fctcr  MMilyr.  1)((    i  I    in  K.kii. 


ARTIFICIAL    DESCRIPTION    OF    TIIP:    COUNTRY. 


71 


part  of  our  provisions,  whicli  they  acceptcKl  with 
delight,  but  the  girl  woukl  not  touch  any."  At  the 
same  place,  it  is  adJed,  '•'  wo  saw  many  of  tlieir  boats 
made  of  one  tree,  without  the  aid  of  stone  or  iron  or 
other  kind  of  metal."  And  to  make  the  parallel  com- 
plete, the  letter  asserts  of  the  natives,  "they  arc  very 
easy  to  be  persuaded  and  imitated  us  with  earnestness 
and  fervor  in  all  which  they  saw  us  do  as  Christians 
in  our  acts  of  worship."  While  they  were  taking 
in  their  supplies  and  interchanging  civilities  with  the 
Indicius  in  the  harbor  of  the  great  bay,  the  following 
.scene  of  royalty  is  described  as  having  occurred.  "  One 
of  the  two  kings  often  came  with  his  queen  and  many 
gentlemen  {geidili  uomini)  to  see  rs  for  his  amuse- 
ment, but  he  always  stopped  at  the  distance  of  about 
two  hundred  paces,  and  sent  a  boat  to  inform  us  of  his 
intended  visit,  saying  they  would  come  and  see  our 
ship.  This  was  done  for  safety,  and  as  soon  as  they 
had  an  answer  from  us,  fhey  came  off  and  remained 
awhile  to  look  around :  but  on  hearing  the  annoying 
cries  of  the  sailors,  the  king  sent  the  queen  with  her 
maids  (demizelle)  in  a  vary  light  boat  to  wait  near  an 
island,  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  us  while  he 
remained  a  long  time  on  board."  This  hy[)erbolical 
description  ol'  the  visit  of  the  sachem  of  Cape  Cod  ac- 
companied by  the  gentlemen  of  his  household  and  of 
his  squaw  queen  with  her  maids  of  honor,  has  its  pro- 
totype in  the  visit  paid  io  Bartholomew  Columbus, 
during  the  absence  of  his  brot.ier,  the  admiral,  by 
necheciuo  the  king  or  caciq\u^  of  Xaragua  and  his 
sister,  the  (pufen  dowager,  Anaconna,  who  are  repre- 
sented as  going  to  the  ship  of  the   .\delantad()  in  two 


72 


TERRAZZANO. 


canoes,  "  one  for  himself  and  certayne  of  his  gentle- 
miMi,  anothor  for  Anacoana  and  lier  vvaitinji;  women." 
The  astonishment  which  the  natives  manifested  at  tlie 
appearance  of  the  Dauphiny  and  her  crew;  their  ad- 
miration of  tlie  simple  toys  and  little  bells  which 
Nvere  ollered  them  by  the  strangers ;  their  priictice  of 
painting  their  bodies,  adorning  themselves  with  the  gay 
plumage  of  birds,  and  habiting  themselves  with  the 
skins  of  animals,  seem  all  analogized,  in  the  same  w.iy, 
from  the  accounts  given  by  Peter  Martyr  of  the  in- 
habitr.nts  of  the  isljinds  tliscovered  by  Columbus,  and  of 
the  northern  regions  by  Sebastian  Cabot.  These 
traits  of  Indian  life  and  character,  therefore,  not  hav- 
ing been  peculiar  to  the  natives  of  the  country  de- 
scribed in  the  letter,  and  having  been  already  men- 
tioned in  earlier  accounts  of  the  adjoining  parts  of 
America,  the  description  of  them  here  furnishes  no 
proof  of  originality  or  of  the  truth  of  the  letter  for 
that  reason. 

On  the  other  hand  objects  which  historically  belong 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  places  declared  to  have  been 
visited,  and  characteri/c  them  distinctly  from  those 
previously'  discovered,  and  which  were  of  such  a  marked 
character  as  to  have  commanded  attention,  are  not 
metitioned  ;,(  all  i  >f  this  class  perhaps  the  most  pro- 
mincuit  is  the  wampum,  a  commodity  of  such  value  and 
nse  among  them  that,  like  gold  among  the  Europeans, 
it  iserved  the  double  purpose  of  money  and  person  id 
adornment.  The  region  of  the  harbor  where  the 
voyagers  spent,  accordimi  to  the  letter,  fifteen  days  in 
familiar  intercourse  with  the  inhaltitants,  was  its 
greatest  mart,  from  which  it  was  spread  among  tlie 


ARTIFICIAL    DESCRirilON    OF    THE    COUNTRY. 


73 


tribes,  Iwtli  north  ami  oast.  Wood,  dt'scribiiig  the 
Narragansets  in  1634,  says  they  ''  are  the  most  curious 
ininters  of  the  wanipDiiipoage  and  mowhakes  which 
they  forme  out  of  the  inmost  wreaths  of  periwinkle 
shels.  The  northerne,  easterne,  and  vvesterne  Indians 
fetch  all  their  coyne  from  these  southern  mint-masters. 
P>oni  hence  they  have  most  of  their  curious  pendants 
and  bracelets;  hence  they  have  their  great  stone  pipes 
which  will  hold  a  quarter  of  an  ounce  of  tol)acco." 
And  in  regard  to  their  practice  of  ornamentation,  he 
remarks  again  :  "  although  they  be  poore,  yet  is  there 
in  tiiem  thesparkesof  naturall  pride  which  appearesin 
their  longing  desire  alter  many  kinde  of  ornaments, 
wearing  pendants  in  their  eares,  as  formes  of  birds, 
iju:i.>L  5  and  fishes,  carved  out  of  bone,  shels,  and  stone, 
vvitij  long  bracelets  of  their  curious  wrought  wam- 
pompeage  and  mowhackees  whicli  they  put  about 
tlieir  necks  and  loynes  ;  which  they  count  a  rare  kinde 
of  decking."  The  same  writer  adds  a  description  of 
an  Indian  king  of  this  country  in  his  attire,  which  is 
somewhat  less  fanciful  than  that  in  the  letter.  "  A 
sMgamore  with  a  humbord  (hunnning-bird)  in  his  care 
for  a  pendant,  a  blackhawke  in  his  occiput  for  his 
Illume,  raowhaf.kees  for  his  gold  chaine,  good  store  of 
wai::pompeage  begirting  his  loynes,  his  bow  in  his 
hand,  his  quiver  at  his  back,  with  six  naked  Indian 
spatterlashes  at  his  heeles  for  his  guard,  thinkes  him- 
selfe  little  inferiour  to  the  great  Cham."  ^  Roger 
Williams  confirms  this  aiH'ount  of  the  importance  of 
the  wampum  among  these  same  Indians.  "  They 
hang,"  he  states  "  t.hcse  strings  of  money  about  their 


'  New  England  Prusjxrt,  \t\t.  (il,  05-0. 
10 


74 


VEIillAZZANO. 


necks  and  wrists,  as  also  about,  the  neoks  and  wrists 

of  their  wives   and   chiklren.     IMachequoce,  a  girdle, 

which  they  make  curiously  of  one,  two,  tliree,  four 

and  five  inches  thickness  and  more,  of  this  money, 

which  sometimes  to  the  value  of  fenpounds  and  more, 

they  weare  about  their  middle,    and   a  scarfe   about 

their  shoulders  and  breasts. 

The  Indians  prize  not  Etig^rish  gold, 
Xor  English,  Indians  sla'il : 
,  Each  in  liis  place  will  passe  for  ojght, 

What  ere  men  buy  or  soil."  ' 

Another  important  article  in  universal  use  among 
the  Indians  of  the  main  land,  north  and  south,  was 
the  tobacco  pipe.  Tobacco  was  used  by  the  natives 
of  the  West  India  islands,  made  up  in  rolls  or  cigars  ; 
but  by  tlie  Indians  of  the  continent  it  was  broken  up, 
carried  in  small  bags  attached  to  a  girdle  round  the  body, 
and  smoked  tlirough  clay,  stone  or  copper  pipes,  some- 
times of  very  elaborate  workmanship.  Smoking  the 
pipe  was  of  universal  use  among  them,  both  on  ordi- 
nary and  extraordinary  occasions.  It  was  a  tender 
of  hospitality  to  strangers ;  and  a  sign  of  peace  and 
friendship  between  the  nations.'^  When  Captain  Way- 
mouth  ran  along  the  coast  of  the  great  bay  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  l(t(l5,  he  repeatedly  encountered  this  cus- 
tom. On  one  occasion  the  nati^'es  came  from  the 
shore  in  three  canoes,  and  Rosier  reniarks  of  them  : 
"  they  cauie  directly  aboord  us  and  brought  us  tobacco, 
wdiich  we  tooke  with  them   in   their  ^npc  which    was 

'  Key  iuti)  ihi  r.aiiijit'Kje  of  Amcrini,Y\\.  14!)-."iO. 

M^'orn  t'lill  uik]  intcrcstiii;:  account  of  tlie  importanre  of  tlic  tobacco- 
pilic  aniniijr  ihe  ImHans  of  .Norlli  Ainnica,  ujion  citi'd  aiiUioritics,  we 
iflcr  till!  icatliT  \.i>  Anniinlliin  uf  the  Southern  LuUaHii.  ]Jy  CliurlLS  C. 
Jnncs  Jr.,  p.  382.    (New  York,  187a.) 


ind  wrists 
,  ii  girdle, 
lirce,  four 
is  money, 
and  more, 
irfe   about 


It, 

ise  among 

outL.   was 

ic  natives 

or  cigars  ; 

•roken  up, 

I  the  body, 

pes,  some- 

oking  the 

1  on  ordi- 

a  tender 

)i'ace  and 

ain  Way- 

ol'  Massa- 

this  cus- 

I'rom   the 

dC  them  : 

s  tobacco, 


net 


was 


■  t()!);irro- 
Ihoritics,  we 
"  Churlts  C. 


ARTIFICIAL   DESCKII'TION   OF   TITF.   COUNTRY. 


75 


i,!\ 


made  of  earth  very  strong,  but  ])lacke  and  short,  con- 
taiiung  a  great  f[uantity.  When  we  came  at  shoare 
tliey  all  most  kindely  entertained  us,  taking  us  by  the 
hands,  as  they  had  observed  we  did  to  them  aboord  in 
token  of  welcome,  and  brought  us  t('  sit  downe  by  their 
lire,  where  sat  together  thirteene  of  them.  They 
filled  their  tobacco  pipe,  which  was  ihen  the  short 
claw  of  a  lobster,  whieli  will  hold  ten  of  oiii  piprs  full 
ami  we  dranke  of  their  excellent  tobacco,  as  much  as 
W(^  wouli]  with  them."  ^  No  nutice  is  taken  of  this 
custom,  either  oi  tobacco  or  the  pipe  in  the  Verraz/ano 
letter. 

The  most  remarkable  omission  of  all  is  of  the  bark 
canoe.  This  light  and  beautiful  fabric  was  peculiar 
lo  the  Algonkin  tribes.  It  was  not  Ibund  among  the 
southern  Indians,  much  less  in  the  West  India  islands. 
Its  buoyancy  and  the  beauty  of  its  form  were  such 
as  to  render  it  an  ol)ject  of  particvdar  oliservation. 
Though  so  light  as  to  be  capMble  of  being  l)orne  on  a 
man's  shoulders,  it  would  sometimes  carry  nine;  men, 
and  ride  with  safety  over  the  most  storuiy  sea.  It. 
WHS  always  from  the  (irst  a  great  object  of  intt>resL 
with  the  discoverers  {)f  the  northerly  j)arts  of  the 
coast,  which  they  manifested  by  taking  them  back  to 
Europe,  as  curiosities.  Aubert  (\arried  one  of  them  to 
Dieppe  in  1508,  and  Captain  Miirtin  I'ringe,  who  was 
one  (if  the  first  to  visit  the  shores  of  Ca])e  T'od,  took 
one,  in  IfiO.'I,  thence  to  Bristol,  which  he  thus  de- 
scribes, a.s  if  he  saw  no  other  kind. 

"Their  buats  wliereof  wo  brouglit  <mi'  lo  liristoll,  wore  in  projmr- 
liiin  like  a  whcirio  ofllu-  rivor  oi"Th;uucs,  8cv(;iiteene  foot  lonn  aii'l 


'  I'mrliUH,  IV     |(!i»2. 


76 


VEHUAZZANO. 


foure  foot  broad,  uiado  of  the  Imrke  of  a  birch  tree,  farre  exceeding 
iti  bijriiesHO  tluwe  of  Kii;_'!aml :  it  wiiw  sowed  together  wiUi  strong  and 
tonsil  oziers  nr  twigs,  and  the  seanies  covered  over  with  rozen  or 
turpentine  little  infcriour  in  sweetnesse  to  frankincense,  as  we  made 
triall  by  burning  a  little  thereof  oti  the  coale.s  at  sundry  times  after 
our  comming  home :  it  was  also  open  liki.  a  wherrie,  and  sharpe  at 
both  ends,  saving  that  the  be.ike  was  a  little  bending  roundly  upwiird. 
And  though  '•■  carried  nine  men  standing  upright,  yet  it  weighed 
not  at  tiie  most,  above;  sixtie  pounds  in  weight,  a  thing  almost  in- 
credil)le  in  regard  of  the  largeness  and  capaeitie  thereof  Their  oarea 
were  flat  at  the  end  like  an  oven  pcele,  made  of  ash  or  maple,  very  light 
and  strong,  about  two  yards  long  wherewith  they  row  very  swiftly."' 

The  silence  oC  the  letter  in  regard  to  this  species  of 
the  canoe  is  the  more  ronuirkable,  Jis  it  i.s  in  connec- 
tion with  the  natives  of  the  harbor  where  they  spent 
fifteen  thiys,  that  mention  is  made  in  it  a  second  time 
of  the  manner  of  making  their  boats  out  of  single  logs, 
as  if  it  were  a  subject  of  importance,  and  worthy  of  re- 
mark. The  inference  is  .nost  strongly'  to  be  drawn 
therefore,  fiom  this  circiiinsttince,  tlnit  the  writer  knew 
nothing  about  the  barii  canoe,  or  the  people  who  used 
them. 

The  absence  of  all  allusion  to  tiny  of  the  peculiar 
attributes,  especially  of  the  essential  eh. iracrer  just  de- 
scribed, of  the  uittives  of  the  great  bay  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  tlie  whole  account  is  a  fabrication. 
IJut  tliis  end  is  absolutely  reached  by  the  positive 
staLement  of  it  radical  diilercnce  in  complexion  be- 
tween the    tribes,  which  they  foimd  in  the  country. 

The  people  wliom  they  saw  on  their  first  landing, 
and  who  iire  stilted  to  have  been  for  the  tnost  part 
naked,  tire  described  as  being  black  in  color,  and  not 
very  dillerent   from    Ethiopians,    ('//  <'o/o/-e  ncri  nou 


I'.UVll^l.S  IV       I'lM. 


ARTlFiriAL    DF.SCRirTION    OF   THE    COUNTRY 


77 


molto  (la(/U  Etiopi  iHs/ormi)  and  ol'  incdiurii  Mtatiire, 
Avell  ibrmtid  of  body  und  iicMto.  oi'  mind.  Tlio  latter 
observation  would  imply  that  the  voyagers  had  mixed 
with  iheao  natives  very  considcTably  in  order  to  have 
been  able  to  speak  so  positively  in  ''egard  to  their 
mental  faculties,  and  therefore  could  not  have  been 
mistaken  as  to  their  complexion  for  want  of  opportu- 
nity to  discover  it.  The  ])recise  place  wliere  they  first 
landed  and  saw  these  black  people  is  not  mentioned 
farther  than  that  the  country  where  thev  lived  was 
situated  in  the  thirty-lburth  degree  of  latitude.  From 
this  place  they  proceeded  further  along  the  coast  north- 
wardly, and  again  coming  to  anchor  attempted  to  go 
ashore  in  a  boat  without  success,  when  one  of  them,  a 
young  sailor,  attempted  to  swim  to  the  land,  but  was 
thrown,  by  tlie  violence  of  the  \va\'es,  insensible  on 
the  beach,  ("pon  recovering  he  found  himself  sur- 
rounded by  natives  who  were  bla(;k  like  the  others. 
That  there  is  no  mistake  in  the  design  of  the  writer 
to  represent  these  people  as  really  black,  like  negroes, 
is  made  evident  by  his  account  of  the  complexion  of 
those  he  found  in  the  harbo)-  of  the  great  bay  in  lati- 
tude 41°  40',  who  are  described  as  essentially  different 
and  the  finest  looking  tribe  they  had  seen,  being  "of  a 
very  white  complexion,  some  inclining  more  to  white, 
and  others  to  a  yellow  color'  {(fi,  colore  hianchifislmo ; 
al'Wii  pemlano pUi  in.  hlanchezzn.  a/frl  in  (  Jure  j/m.o) . 
The  difference  between  the  iidiabitants  of  the  two  ;  > 
tions  of  country,  in  respect  to  color,  is  thus  drawn  in 
actual  contrast. 

This  is   unfounded    in   ficl       No    black    aborigines 
b.'tvc  evr  been  IbiiiKl  within  I  he  entire  limits  of  North 


78 


VEKKAZZANO. 


America,  cxcopt  in  California  where  sonic  arc  said  to 
exist.  The  Indiana  of  tli(^  Atlantic  coast  wore  uni- 
formly of  a  tawny  or  yellowish  brown  color,  made 
mon^  conspicuous  by  age  and  exposure  and  being 
almost  white  in  infancy.  The  first  voyagers  and 
early  European  settlers  universally  cc^ncur  in  assign- 
ing them  this  complexion.  Keference  nec^l  here  be 
to  such  testimony  only  as  relates  to  the  two  parts  of 
the  country  where  the  distinction  is  pretended  to 
have  existed.  The  earliest  mention  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  more  southerly  portion  is  when  the  vessels  of 
Ayllon  and  Matien/o  carried  off  sixty  of  the  Indians 
from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Santee,  called  the  Jor- 
dan, in  1021,  and  took  them  to  St.  Domingo.  One  of 
them  went  to  Spain  with  Ayllon.  They  are  described 
l)y  I'eter  Mai'tyr,  from  sight,  as  aem'ifv-scos  nil  wMn 
sunt  a<irkolae  sole  adusti  acstivo,  half  brown,  like  our 
husbandmen,  burnt  by  the  summer  sun.'  lUrlowe,  in 
his  account  of  the  first  expedition  of  Raleigh,  which 
entered  Pamlico  sound,  within  the  region  n(jw  under 
consideration,  describes  the  Indians  whom  he  found 
there  as  of  a  "  colour  yellowdsh."-'  Captain  .1  nbii  Smith, 
speaking  of  those  of  the  Chesapeake,  remarks,  that 
they  ''  are  of  a  color  brown  when  they  are  of  age,  but 
they  are  born  white."  "  On  the  other  hand  the  nntives 
of  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  in  latitude  41'^  iO' 
are  described  by  the  first  explorers  of  that  region  in 
substantially  the  same  terms.  J)rereton,  who  accoin- 
panied  (iosuold  in  his   first   voyage  to  the  Elisabeth 


'  niM-.  VII,','. 

''  iriikluyt,  III.  248 

'  Siiiilh,  .U.ipof  Vii'r/iiui;  KUJ,  p.    1!). 


ARTIFICIAL   DESCIIIITION   OP   THE   COUNTRY. 


79 


isliinds  and  tlie  main  land  opposite,  in  1G02,  mentions 
the  natives  there,  as  being  of  a  complexion  or  color 
much  like  a  dark  olive."*  Martin  Pringe  who  visited 
-Martha's  Vineyard  the  next  year  and  constructed 
there  a  barricade  where  the  "  people  of  the  country 
earne  sometimes,  ten,  twentie,  ibrtie  or  three  score,  and 
at  one  time  one'hundred  and  twentie  at  once,"  says, 
*•  these  people  are  inclined  to  a  swart,  tawnie  or  ches- 
ruit  colour,  not  by  nature  but  accidinitally."  *  And 
Roger  Williams,  partaking  of  the  same  idea  as  Pringe, 
that  the  swarthy  color  was  accidental,  testilies,  ulmost 
in  tlie  same  language  as  Captain  Smith,  that  the  Nar- 
ragansets  and  others  within  a  regi(m  of  two  hundred 
miles  of  them,  were  "  tawnie  by  the  sunne  and  their 
annoynungs,  yet  they  were  born  white."''  Thus  the 
authorities  llatly  contradict  the  statement  of  black 
Indians  existing  in  North  Carolina,  and  a  diileronco 
of  color  between  the  people  of  the  two  sections  claimed 
to  have  been  visited  in  this  voyage. 

Of  an  equally  absurd  and  preposterous  character 
is  the  statement  mo.de  in  reference  to  the  condition 
in  which  the  plants  and  vegetation  were  found.  The 
grape  particularly  is  mentioned  in  a  manner  which 
proves,  beyond  question,  that  the  writer  could  not 
have  been  in  the  country.  The  dates  which  are 
given  for  the  exploration  are  positive ;  and  arc?  con- 
clusive in  this  respect.  The  Dau))hiny  is  represented 
as  having  left  Madeira  on  the  17th  of  January,  and 
arrived   on  the  coast  on  the  7  th  of  March,  that  is, 


'  Purclias,  IV.  l()o2. 

■'  Ibiil,  IV.  1035. 

'  iJoger  Williiims's  Kvy.  52. 


80 


VKi;i!AZZ.\NO. 


the  ITlli  of  tliiit  motitli,  new  wtvlc'  Thoy  left  tlu; 
harbor  of  tho  grciit  bay,  vvhcrf  they  had  romaincil  Ibr 
fifteen  days  on  tlic  Gth  ol'  May,  ^vhi(  li  makes  tlieir 
arrival  there  to  have  bt-en  on  the  21st  of  April,  or 
tirst  of  May,  N.  8.  They  were  thus  dnrinjjj  the  mouths 
of  March  and  April,  engaged  in  coasting  from  the  land- 
fall to  the  great  bay  in  latitude  41°  40',  during  whi<h 
period  the  observations  ndating  to  the  intermediate 
country,  eonsenuently,  must  have  been  made.  They 
left  the  coast,  finally,  in  latitude  OO'^  N.,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  returning  to  France,  in  time  to  reach  there 
and  have  the  letter  written  announcing  their  arrival 
at  Dieppe  on  the  8th  of  July,  and  therefore  it  must 
have  been  some  time  in  .June,  at  the  latest;  so  that 
very  little  if  any  portion  of  the  summer  season  was 
passed  upon  the  coast  of  America. 

In  describing  the  country  which  they  readied  at 
the  end  of  the  fifty  leagues  north  of  the  landfall,  that 
is,  near  the  boundary  between  North  Carolina  and 
Virgina,  where  they  discovered  the  old  woman  and 
girl  concealed  in  the  <jrm^  and  found  the  land  gene- 
rally, "abounding  in  forests  filled  with  various  kinds 
of  trees  but  not  of  such  frwjrn7\ce''  as  those  where  they 
iirst  landed,  the  writer  gives  a  particular  descri[)tion 
of  the  condition  in  which  they  found  the  vines  and 
llowers.  ■       - 

"  We  saw,"  he  says,  "  many  vines'there  crowing  naturally,  which 
run  upon,  and  entwine  about  the  trees,  as  they  do  in  Lciubardy,  and 
which  if  the  husbandmen  were  to  have  under  a  jperfeet  system  of 
cultivation,  would  without  doubt  produce  the  Ixal  wines,  because 
tasting  (beendo,  literally,  drinkinj^  or  sucking)  the  fruit  mavj/  times, 
we  perceived  it  was  sweet  and  pleasant,   not  different  ironi  ours. 


Sfc  aute,  p'igc  4,  note. 


A' 


ARTIFICIAL    DESCKIl'TIOM    OF    TIIK   COUNTKY. 


81 


They  are  held  in  estiiimtioii  by  thorn  buciiuac  wlierovor  they  jrrow 
they  remove  the  sinull  trceu  aroumi  them  in  order  thut  the  fruit  niiiy 
bo  able  to  j,'erniinato.  We  found  wild  roses,  viulota,  lilies  and 
niiiny  species  of  plants  iind  miorifi  mux  Jlowra,  different  fmm  ours* 

The  flavor  and  vinous  qualities  of  tlu'  grapes  are 
thus  parti(Milarly  mentioned  as  having  been  proven 
several  times  by  eating  tlie  ripe  and  luscious  fruit,  and 
in  language  peculiarly  expressive  of  the  fact.  Accord- 
ing to  the  dates  before  given,  this  must  have  occurred 
early  in  the  month  of  April,  as  the  scene  is  laid  upon 
the  coast  of  North  Carolina.  There  is  no  native  vine 
w'liich  ever  llowers  in  tiiis  country,  north  of  latitude 
tliirty-four,  before  the  month  of  May,  and  none  that 
ripens  its  fruit  before  Jtdy,  wliich  is  the  month  as- 
signed by  Lawson  for  the  ripening  of  tiie  summer  fox 
grape  in  the  swamps  and  moist  lands  of  North  Caro- 
lina,—  the  earliest  of  all  the  grapes  in  that  region.'^ 
North  of  latitude  41"^  no  grape  matures  until  the  latter 
[)art  of  August.  As  the  explorers  are  made  to  have 
left  the  shores  of  Newfountlland  for  home  in  June,  at 
farthest,  they  were  at  no  time  on  any  part  of  the  coast, 
in  season  to  have  been  able  to  see  or  taste  the  ripe  or 
unripe  fruit  of  the  vine.  The  representation  of  the 
letter  in  this  respect  depending  both  upon  the  sight 
and  the  taste,  must,  like  that  of  the  contrasted  appear- 
ance of  the  natives,  be  regarded  as  deliberately  made  ; 


'  "  Veik'mmo  in  (niclla  niolle  vito  di'lla  natura  prodoUe,  ((Uali  alzandosi 
avvoltano  agli  iillieri  fDnie  nella  Cisalpiua  Gallia  cosluniano  ;  le  quali  se 
da,!,di  agriciiltorl  avf^.--iiio  d  iierfctti)  ordint'  di  culluia,  scn/a  diiblilo  pro- 
diUTijbljoiin  ottiini  vini,  pcrclif  pin  voile  il  f'nitlo  di  ((ucllo  l.ifciulu,  veggi- 
t'udo  suave  e  dolce,  noil  da!  ncstro  ditlcrciitc  soiio  tla  Imo  tcnuti  in  t-x- 
tiniatione;  inipero  clu;  per  Uitto  dove  nat-cono,  levaiio  gli  arbi'.sciili  circu- 
stanti  ad  causa  il  t'rulto  possa  gierminare.  Trovanio  rose  silveslre  et 
'■iviioie,  gigli  et  niolte  sorte  di  erl)e  e  fimi  odoril'eii  da  uostri  diirerenli." 

'  iVi'(/)  VoijiKjc  to  CaroUaa,  p.  G02, 
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82 


VERRAZZANO. 


and  conse(|iU'ntly,  the  two  as  «»stal)lishiii,!.''  (ho  falsity 
of  tho  do.s('ri[)tion  in  those  [jarticuhirs,  and  thus  involv- 
ing' the  int(';,'rity  and  trtith  of  the  whole. 

The  liherty  which  Ivaimisio  took  with  these  passages 
in  his  version  of  the  letter,  demands  notice,  and  adds 
his  testimony  again  to  the  ahsnrdity  of  the  account, 
lie  doubtless  knew,  from  the  numerous  descripticms 
which  had  been  ptiblished,  of  the  uniformity  of  the 
physical  characterist.'cs  of  the  American  Indians;  and 
he  certainly  knew  'A H  as  regarded  the  natives  of  this 
coast,  as  is  proven  by  Iwh  publication  of  Oviedo's  ac- 
count of  the  voyage  <>f 'Jome/,  made  there  in  1525,  in 
which  they  are  described,  in  the  same  volume  with 
the  V<'rra//ano  letter.'  His  own  e.\perience,  as  to  the 
climate  of  Venice,  taught  him  also  that  grapes  could 
not  have  ripened  in  the  latitude  and  at  the  time  of 
}ear  assigned  for  that  purpose.  lie  had  therefore 
abundant  reason  to  (juestion  the  correctness  of  the 
letter  in  both  particulars.  As  in  the  case  of  the 
representiiti(jTi  of  the  extent  of  the  discovery,  before 
mentioned,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  make  them  ctmform 
more  to  the  truth,  lie  amended  the  original  in  regard 
to  the  complexion  of  the  natives  represented  as  those 
first  Keen,  by  inserting  in  place  of  the  words,  a[)plied 
to  them,  of  •'  black  and  not  much  ditferent  from  Ethi- 
opians," the  phrase,  "  brownish  and  not  much  unlike 
the  Saracens"  (jMirrrtliiir  d'  non  molto  ihtU'i  ISurovini 
ilifftreiiti)  by  which  they  are  liken«'d  to  those  Arabs 
whose  complexion,  "  yellow,  bordering  on  brown,"  is 


'  Tom.  111.  li.i.  .VJ,  (f.i.  i.-irid). 

'  Ihrrtttiiiiis  dcrivcil  IVi'in  fwrdt'i,  tlic  Turkish  frz,  .1  roil  cap,  (k'sijj;iuit- 
iug  also  tbo  scarlul » up  ot  the  ciirdiiiiils  in  llir  clmrcli  (it  Uoiiu". 


ARTIFICIAL     DESCRIITIOV    OF   TlIF    rOUNTKY. 


83 


ufa  siiniliir  oust  ; '  and  in  rcgnnl  to  Uic  Ln'apcs,  hy 
.siikstituting  instead  ol',  '"tasting  tin*  fruit  many  tinu's 
wt.'  perceived  it  was  aweet  and  [)leasant,"'  tile  ])assage, 
"  liaving  often  seen  the  fruit  thereof  <//•*>(/,  which  was 
sweet  and  j>leasant,  {har~:do  ndato  piu  vo/fe  il  fnitio 
iJ'i  ijiuUe  »ecco^  vhe  era  fmaut  (f;  dnlce,)  by  whic^li  he  ap- 
iiarentlv  obviates  the  oltiection,  Itiit  in  fact  onlv  airirra- 
vates  it,  l)v  asserting'  wliat  lias  ne\cr  yet  been  heard 
of,  among  tli(>  hxlians  of  this  coast,  the  preservation 
of  the  jrrapi!  by  drying  or  otherwise. 

It  is  evident  that  what«'ver  inav  have  hecMi  tlie 
motives  of  Kamusio  in  making  tliese  r<'peated  alter- 
ations of  the  statements  in  the  letter,  they  not  only 
.»how  his  own  sense  of  their  neci'ssity,  but  they  have 
had  the  elfect  to  keep  from  the  world  the  real  charac- 
ter of  this  narrative  in  essential  particulars,  until  its 
exposure  now,  by  the  production  of  the  Carli  version. 

'  Prilcliurd,  Miiinful  /li\iory  •>/  Mmi,  \\.  127  cM  uliliou) 


r.ll!>  il  ItAliKt  AMiK. 

Sllll   ll«('ll   li\    III'-    lllllnll-  c.II  III!'   I'rlMlllKCril 


84 


VEHKAZZANO. 


VI  I. 


Till!    KXTKINSIO    EVIDKNTK    IN    RuPl'OnT    OF    THE    Cl.AIM.     T. 
DlSCUliUSK  OF  Till::  FlUvNt'll  Ska-CJaI'TAIN  Ob  DlKlM'E. 


Tlie  extrinsic  evidence  which  is  urged  in  support  of 
the  claim  to  tht;  discovery  hy  Verrazzano  is  not  of 
great  amount.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  il'  the 
letter  upon  which  the  cLaim  is  founded,  he  spurious 
and  fictitious,  as  for  the  reasons  assigned,  it  is  con- 
sidered to  be,  any  extraneous  evidence,  must  eitlier 
partake  of  the  'ame  character,  or  have  originated  in 
some  misconception  or  error.  What  exists  upon  the 
suhject  consists  princi])ally  of  two  pieces,  which  have 
only  re(.'ently  been  regarded  of  any  importance  for  this 
pur])ose,  and  in  connection  with  which  the  others  may 
be  considered. 

One  of  tliem  is  an  anonymous  paper  entitled  in  full, 
"  Discourse  of  a  great  .sea-captain,  a  Frenchman  of 
the  town  of  Die^jpe,  its  to  the  voyages  made  to  the 
new  land  of  the  West  Indies,  called  New  France,  from 
the  40'-  U)  the  47^  under  tlie  Arctic  pole,  and  concern- 
ing the  land  of  iirazil,  (J  uinea,  the  island  of  St.  Fiaw- 
rence  and  that  of  Sumatra  "  the  other  is  a  map  of  the 
world,  bearing  the  name  of  Jlieronimo  de   Verrazano. 

The  discourse  of  the  French  captain  does  not.  awy 
more  than  the  letter  of  Verrazzano,  exist  ia  the  ori- 
ginal ;  nor  lias  any  copy  (jf  it  ever  been  produced,  ex- 
cept in  a  printed  translation  by  Uamiisio  in  the  same 


DISCOUIISE   OF   THE    DIEPPE    CAITAIN. 


85 


volume,  as  that  in  vvLicli  his  vcM-sion  of  that  letter 
appears,  and  inimodiatciy  following  it.  Harniisio  states 
that  it  was  written  in  1539.  as  may  l)e  infe-nnl  from 
the  letter  itself  in  its  present  form,  and  that  he  had 
translated  it  from  the  French,  grieving  nnich  that  he 
did  not  know  the  name  of  the  autiior,  because  not  giv- 
ing it  he  seemeil  to  do  wrong  to  the  memory  of  so  val- 
iant and  noble  a  gentleman.  It  is  evident,  however, 
upon  comparing  the  description,  which  it  gives,  of  a 
voyage  made  from  Dieppe  to  Sumatra,  with  the  ori- 
ginal journal,  first  brought  to  light  and  published  a 
few  years  ago,  of  such  a  voyage  made  by  Jean 
I'armentier  in  1529,  that  this  discourse  was  written  by 
some  one  of  the  persons  engaged  in  that  expedition.^ 
Its  authenticity,  in  general,  may  therefore  not  beques- 
tioned  But  as  the  original  has  never  been  produced 
and  it  is  only  known  througb  this  version  of  Ramusio, 
experience  in  regard  to  his  practice  as  a  compiler,  of 
altering  texts  according  to  his  judgment  of  their  de- 
fects and  errors,  proves  that  we  have  by  no  means  a 
reliable  copy  for  our  guidance.  In  fad,  as  given  by 
luiimisio,  its  recognition  of  the  \'erraz/ano  discovery  is 
only  I)}' way  of  parenthesis,  and  in  such  antfigonisui 
U>  the  context,  as  to  render  it  (ptite  certain  that  this 
portion  of  it  is  by  anothei-  hand. 


'  r",V",'/''«  ''  d'coHwrten  dm  narigakiira  NoDmiiifl/i.  I'ur  Jy.  KsiiiiKilin,  p. 
'241.  (hiris  W\2.)  M.  I'^^bviKTliii  siiiiposcs  tliat,  I'icriv  M.uuUtc  llR'asiiMin) 
iiKT  <)f'()iu' of  tlio  sliips  cuniiiiHiiiLr  llK('.\|icclitiiiii  of  I'aruii'iitior,  was  llio 
author  of  lliis  discourse  ()>.  45, '("/ci,  IJui  NT  O'Avc/.ui-  aitril)iil>-s  ii  to 
I'iurre  Crijjnon,  who  also  accompanii'il  I'm-im-iilior,  and  wholH'si(i<'H  In  in;; 
Iho  editor  of  u  colldclion  of  poems  Iiy  I'ariiKfiitier,  nWin-  his  dcutli,  evinced 
his  knowledge  of  nauticil  matters  liy  writiii^z  a  dissertation  on  the  varia- 
tion of  the  niedle.  Iiitrni/'irtiiiii  lo  liie  fliitfhWit  of  .lacipies  rnrlier,  p. 
\  II.  (Tross,  I'liris,  IStjll)  i'runri,  i'///  I'armentier.  Margry,  Lfx  ii<iri(/,( 
tiiirn  Fiiiiii iiist's,  p.  I!M> 


86 


VKKUAZ/,ANO. 


The  writer,  after  expliiining  tlie  nature  of  hititudo 
iiiul  loiifrittide,  and  takiiiL';  tljo  Tneridian  of  no  varia- 
tion runniii!^  tliroii^li  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
Cai)e  de  \  erde  ishinds  as  tlie  basis  of  his  observations 
of  longitude,  proceeds  to  a  description  of  Terra  Nova; 
so  much  of  which  as  is  pertinent  is  hero  abstracted. 

•'  TIh"  Term  NUva,  thf  ncan'st  cap*!  of  which  is  called  tlie  Cupe 
do  lias,  is  HJtuatud  \V(3st  d'our  diainctrical  or  meridional  lino  where- 
on is  fixed  the  tirst  p<iint  of  lon;.i;ifiKie  according  to  tlie  l,ruu  uieridiaii 
of  the  conijmss  J  and  the  said  Cape  de  Ufw  is  in  west  lont;itudc  40" 
and  17  of  N'-rth  latitude.  The  Terra  Xova  <  xtendn  towards  tho 
Arctic  p(de  I'roui  U*^  u>  (10,  and  from  Oape  de  Katf  ,u<>i"K  towaids 
the  pole,  the  cojist  aInioKt  always  runs  from  south  to  north,  and  con- 
tniiip  in  all  I'ai'  leagues,  and  from  said  Cape  do  lias  to  the  cape  of 
tlic  HrettonM,  the  coast  ruiiM  oast  and  west,  for  an  hundred  It^aj^jues, 
and  the  cape  of  the  Hrettous  is  in  47'  west  lon<;itude  and  Ki  north 
latitude.  To  go  from  Dieppe  to  the  Terra  Nova,  the  course  is  almost 
all  east  and  west,  and  there  are  from  IMepjio  to  said  Capo  de  ilas 
7(!()  leagues. 

"  Hctween  (.ape  de  Raa  and  cape  of  the  Krcttons  dwell  an  austere 
and  cruel  people  with  whom  you  cannot  treat  i)r  converse.  They 
are  largo  of  |)erson.  olad  in  skins  of  seals  and  other  wild  aninials 
tied  togi'ther,  and  are  marked  with  ct^rlaip  lines,  made  with  tiro,  on 
the  face  and  as  it  were  striped  with  color  between  black  and  red, 
(//•ii  (7  ncro  (l-  hrmttiiKi)  and  in  many  respects  as  to  face  and  neck, 
are  like  those  of  our  IJarbary,  the  hair  long  like  wointMi,  which  they 
gatlur  up  on  tup  of  the  head  as  W(i  do  with  a  hor>c's  tail.  Their 
arrows  are  bows  with  which  they  shoot  very  dexterously,  and  their 
arrows  ar"  pointed  with  blaok  stones  and  fish  bones.  *     ♦     *      * 

"This  land  was  discovorcd  ;!.'»  years  ago.  that  is,  the  part  that  runs 
cast  and  west,  by  the  Hrettons  and  Normands,  for  whi(di  reason  the 
land  is  culled  the  Cape  of  the  Hrettons.  The  utlicr  part  that  runs 
north  and  south  was  discovereil  Iiy  tho  J'ortuguese  from  Capo  de  Ilas 
to  Cape  l$uona-vista,  which  contains  about  7"  leagues,  and  the  re.'iL 
was  discovered  as  far  as  the  gulf  of  the  Castles.,  and  further  on  by 
said  Hrettons  and  .Vormands,  and  it  is  abinit  !>!}  years  since  a  ship 
from  ir>iitioiir  of  which  .roan  l>onys  (lliovanni  Dionisio")  was  captain 
and  ^^lmart  (('amarto  i  ol'  linm-n,  was  jiilot,  first  wont  thoro,  and  in 
the  year  15U'^,  a  l>icppc  vessel,  calli'il  th'-  INnsoe,  which  was  owneil 
by  Jean  .\ngo,  father  of  Monsignor,    tho   captain    ami    Viscount    of 


DISCOURSE  OF   TlIK   DIErPE    CAPTAIN. 


87 


Dieppe  went  thither,  the  master  or  the  captain  of  said  ship  being 
Thomas  x\u])ert,  and  he  was  the  first  who  brought  hither  people  of 
the  waid  country. 

•  FoUiiwiiij^  beyond  the  cape  of  the  Hrott(jns  there  is  a  land  con- 
tiguous to  the  Hnid  capo,  the  coast  whereof  extends  west  by  south- 
west as  far  as  the  land  of  Florida  and  it  runs  full  500  loapvjes,  (which 
ciiiuft  was  (Ihroferiil  fiftrin  yrars  nyo,  fii/  Alfxsi'r  fHovanni  da  Vvr- 
razz'ino,  in  (he  name  of  Kin<j  Francis,  ami  Maihimc  ihc  r('(/'7l^ )  and 
this  land  is  called  by  many  la  Francese,  and  likewise  by  the  Portu- 
^^uese  themselves  and  its  end  towards  Florida  is  at  78°  west  longi- 
tude and  .'{0°  norti  latitude.  The  inhabitants  of  this  land  arc  tract- 
able peoples,  friendly  and  pleasant.  The  bind  is  most  abundant  in 
all  fruit.  There  j,'row  oranges,  almonds,  wild  j^rapes  and  many  other 
kinds  of  odoriferous  trees.  The  land  is  calkil  by  its  people  Nurum- 
btga,  and  between  this  land  and  that  of  IJrazil  is  a  great  ifulf  which 
extends  westwardly  to  92°  west  loniritude.  which  is  more  than  a 
quarter  of  the  circuit  of  the  globe ;  and  in  the  gulf  are  the  islands 
and  West  Indies  discovered  by  the  Spaniards."  ' 

Thi.s  account  ompluitit'iilly  contradicts  tlic  WTraz- 
zano  letter  which  chiiins  tht'  discovery  of  the  coast 
Iroin  Cape  Breton  in  4C»''  N.  as  far  cast  and  north  as 
50°  N.  latitude,  enibracino;  a  distance  of  two  htnidred 
lea.uues,  both  accordin-j:  to  the  letter  and  the  discoiu'se. 
It  distinctly  aflinns  this  lonj^  stretch  of  coast  to  have 
been  discovered  long  before  the  Verra/zano  voyage  by 
the  Portuguese  and  the  J?retons  and  Normands,  a.ssign- 
ing  to  the  Portuguese  and  French  specific  portions  of  it. 
Tliis  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  truth  as  established 
by  the  authorities  to  which  occasion  has  already  been 
had  to  refer.  This  account  therelbre  unc(|uivocally 
repudiates  the  \'errazzai:0  claim  to  the  discovery  of 
that  part  of  the  country,  and  thus  derogatc^s  from  the 
l)retensionH  of  the  letter  instead  of  supporting  them. 

The  letter  contains  a  distinct  and  specific  claim  tor 
the  discovery  of  the  coast  Jis  far  north  as  oO'^  N.     The 


Kanuisio,  iii.  fol.  l2:J-4  (eil.  15."iC). 


88 


VKHRAZZANO. 


writer  of  the  discourse,  if  he  had  any  knovvlodiro  on  the 
t<ubject,  must  have  known  of  the  extent  of  thischiim. 
In  attrilmting  to  others  the  discovery  of  that  hirge 
portion  of  the  coast,  east  and  north  of  Cape  lireton,  he 
must  have  considered  the  claim  to  that  extent  as  un- 
founded. It  is  difhcult  therefore  to  account  for  his 
admitting  its  validity  as  regards  the  country  south  of 
Cape  Breton  as  he  apparently  d(jes  ;  as  it  is  amanifes^t 
inconsistency  to  reject  so  important  a  part  as  fal^e, 
and  aflirm  the  rest  of  it  to  Ixi  true,  when  the  wliole 
depends  upim  the  same  evidence. 

Anotiier  circumstance  to  be  remarked  is,  that  the 
description,  which  Ibllows,  of  the  country  said  to  have 
been  discovered  by  Verrnzzano,  has  not  the  slightest 
reference  to  the  account  given  in  the  letter,  but  is  evi- 
dently derived  from  other  sources  of  discovery.  Two 
names  are  attributed  to  it,  Franccse  and  Nurnml)e(ja, 
both  of  which  owe  their  designation  to  other  voyagers. 
Francese,  or  French  land,  appears  for  the  first  time  in 
any  publication,  on  two  maps  hereafter  mentioned, 
printed  in  1")40,  under  the  Latin  form  of  Francisca.  It 
is  called  in  the  manuscript  cosmography  And  charts  of 
Jean  Alfonso,  ierrc  de  la  Franc iscane.  An  earlier 
map  by  JJaptista  Agnese,  described  by  Mr.  Kohl,  indi- 
cates that  the  name  owes  its  origin,  as  will  hereafter  be 
pointed  out,  to  the  voyages  of  the  Frencb  fishermen 
to  the  shores  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  England.' 
Nurumbega,  as  the  writer  himself  states,  is  an  Indiaji 
name,  which  could  not  have  been  taken  from  the  Ver- 
ra/./.ano  account,  as  that  does  not  mention  a  single  Indian 
word  of  any  kind.     The  statement  of  the  productions 

'  Discovery  of  Maine,  p.  202,  clmrt  xiv. 


niSCOURSK    OF    TIIF.    niEITK     nAI'TAIV 


80 


of  tlie  country  inclucK's  oraiifjjes,  wliicli  do  not  Ixilong 
to  any  portion  of  the  continc'iit  clainu'tl  to  have  been 
visited  by  Verraz/ano,  and  jjlainly  indiuateH  an  entirely 
difl'erent  autliority  lor  tluit  portion  of  the  coast.  It 
is  therefore  equally  unaccountable  why  the  author  of 
the  diwcourse  should  have  acknowledged  the  discovery 
liy  Verrazzano  and,  at  the  same  time,  have  passed  over 
altogether  the  description  in  the  letter,  and  sought  his 
information  in  regard  to  the  country  elsewhere,  when 
he  had  there  such  ample  details,  especially  in  connec- 
tion with  the  great  bay. 

The  solution  of  the  whole  difficulty  is  to  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  tlu»  clause  relati  ig  to  Verrazzano  was 
not  the  work  of  the  author  of  the  discourse,  but  of  an- 
other person.  It  is  not  difficu.-  to  understand  how 
and  by  whom  this  interpolation  came  to  be  made. 
Ramusio  ha<l  both  the  letter  and  the  discourse  in 
his  hands  at  the  same  time,  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
paring them  for  publication,  recomposing  the  one,  fis 
has  already  been  shown,  and  translating  the  other 
from  the  French  into  the  Italian,  as  ho  himself  states. 
in  the  execution  of  the  former  of  these  tasks,  he  t(Mjk 
the  liberty  of  altering  the  letter,  as  has  been  proven, 
by  substituting  the  phrase  of,  (Jte  land  di^corered  hi/ 
the  Bretons,  for  that  of,  the  (unmirij  ej-plnrcd  hy  the 
Portuguese,  as  the  northern  limit  of  the  voyage  of 
Verrazzano ;  thereby  removing  the  objection,  to  which 
the  letter  was  obnoxious,  of  entirely  ignoring  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  Bretons,  which  were  distinctly  asserted 
in  the  discourse.  In  order  to  conform  to  the  Verraz- 
zano letter,  as  it  was  thus  modified,  it  was  necessary 
to  insert  this  clause  in  the  discourse,  which  would  else 


90 


VERRAZZANO. 


ajjpear  to  coutradict  the  lotter  entirely.  The  two 
alterations,  however  neocKsary  tlu'y  were  to  preserve 
Home  eoi'Histency  between  the  two  documents,  are, 
nuverthelesH,  iMitii  alike  repuj^nant  to  the  origimil 
K'tter. 

This  discourse  fails,  therelbre,  as  an  authority  in 
favor  of  the  Verraz/ano  discovery,  or  even  of  the  exist- 
ence (jf  a  claim  in  its  behalf;  the  statement  which  it 
contains  in  relation  to  Verrazzano,  originating  with 
Ranuisio  adding  nothing  to  the  case.' 


'  Till-  writer  gives,  however,  some  (U-tiiilK  in  reltiiioii  Id  (lie  liidiniiM  and 
llie  lisiierii's  iiioii;;;  llie  ea.'-tc  riy  Cdast  ol  NcwrouiKllimil,  illiihlrative  of  cer- 
tain puiuts  wliieli  iiave  arisen  in  Uieeduryeol  lliiNeiKjiiiry.  ('(inliiiuing  liis 
reiiiarl^s,  m  ^ivuii  U\  the  text,  in  repinl  to  the  Intlians  iiihaliitini^'  tlie  sonlli- 
erly  cciasi  lielwern  Cape  IJace  and  ( 'ape  Hn  tnn,  lie  slate!*  "  tln're  are  nniny 
stujiH  and  de(r,  and  l)irds  like  ueese  and  iniiiyni/j-.  ( >n  llie  coasl  tliere  is  nmcli 
good  Itshery  of  cod,  wliieli  lisii  are  taken  iiy  liie  French  itud  Untoim,  only 
hi'cnuHi  ihoKf  <if  the  onutry  (h  Hill  tiih  l/icm.  In  the;  eoasi  rnnninp  imrlh 
and  soulli,  from  (!ape  dc  lias  to  the  entriinoe  of  tlic  Castles,  (straits  of 
liellelsle  I  there  an- great  gulls  and  rivers,  and  numerous  islands,  numy 
of  Uiem  large;  and  this  ciiniury  is  thinly  iidiahited,  except  Uie  ali.re 
said  coftsl,  and  Uie  p<'ople  arc  snndler  :  and  there  is  great  tishery  of  coiias 
on  the  other  coast.  Tlierc^  has  not  heen  seen  there  eiUier  villuge,  or  town, 
or  I'astle,  except  a  £;real  enclosure  dI'  wood,  w  Inch  was  seen  in  the  gulf  of 
the  Castli's  ;and  the  aforesaid  people  dwell  ni  little  cabins  and  huts,  covered 
•with  the  hark  of  trees,  which  they  make  to  li\e  in  during  the  lime  of  tin 
fisheries,  wliieli  eoinmences  m  spring  and  lasts  all  the  summer.  Their  fishery 
is  of  .seal,  and  porpoises  which,  with  lerlain  seafowl  called  uujrgaux,  they 
lake  in  Ihe  islands  and  dry  ;  and  nf  the  i^rease  of  said  lish  they  nnike  oil, 
anil  when  the  time  of  their  (isliery  is  end.d,  winter  coming  on,  Ihi'y  dejiart 
with  their  lish,  ami  go  away,  in  little  I'oatx  iikkIc  of  the  burk  of  tries,  culled 
6tu7,  into  other  countries,  whicli  are  perhaps  warmer,  but  we  know  not 
where." 


TlIK    VKUKAZANO    MAI' 


91 


Vlll 


II.     'ri(K  Vkiiiiaz.vno  Mai'.     It  is  not  an  Ai;tiiouitativk 

KM't>lTION  uK  THK   VkKUAZZWm   DlSCOVIMlV.      ItS  Ouitil.N 

AND  Daik  in  its  1'Iu;>5ent  Form.     Tiik  LiiiTKii  i>k  An- 
NiiiAL  Cako.      Tub  Mai-    i-kkskntki)  to    IIk.nry    VIII. 

VoVAUES    OF  Vi;iUlAZZAN().       TllK  (  I  I.OIli;  iH    KlU'llllOriYNUS 
UlI'IL'S. 

'rhcmjipoflTicroiiiim)  JuVcrru/.iino, recently  broiiL'lit 
to  iiartieular  notii^e,'  is  a  plaiiisplioroon  aroll  ol'pMn-li- 
iiKMit  oi^ht  feet  and  a  half  lonjLj;  and  of  corresponding 
width,  fornierly  l)eh)n^'inj»:  to  Cardinal  Stofano  ]V)ri^ia, 
in  whose  niu.seiun,  in  the  colleiic  of  the  l*ropa;;anda  in 
the  Vati(!an,  it  is  now  preserved.  It  has  no  date, 
though,  from  a  leurend  upon  it  referring  to  the  Verraz- 
zano  discovery,  it  may  Ix;  interred  that  the  year  1520 
is  intended  to  be  understood  as  the  time  when  it  waa 
constructed.  No  pah'o^raphical  description  of  it,  liow- 
cvcr,  has  yet  been  published,  from  which  tlie  period 
iif  its  construction  might  be  determined,  or  the  con- 
uruity  of  its  parts  veritic^d.  It  may,  however,  inordi'r 
to  disencumber  the  question,  Ix;  admitted  to  be  the  map 
mentioned  by  Annibal  Caro  in  1587,  in  a  letter  to  whicli 
occasion  will  hereafter  Ik;  had  to  refer,  and  that  its 
author  was  the  brotlu'V  of  t!ic  navigator,  though  of 
i)()th  these  tacts  satisfactory  proof  is  wanting.' 


'  Joiirwd  of  th)    Aiiun'ritii  (/fyrii/i/iical  Siicii'ti/ <>/ Niif  Y(»li    IST^i  Vol 
IV.     Notation  tin:  Virrtuiin/i  niiiji.     B)- .liiiDcs  (Larson  Hrcvoort 

•'  Tlii.s  map  wivs  citliiT  unknown  to  Hjinuisi"  ami  Giwliildi  or  ilLscreililcd 
liy  iliein.     UaiiHtsio  in  his  pri-Cncc,  uOit  inciilinning  to  Fruciistoi'  tluit    lie 


02 


VEKhAZZANO. 


No  entirely  Ir^lblc  ropy  of  iIiIh  nifip  has  yet  been 
iniuU'  public.  Two  pbotographs,  botli  imich  rc(l"H'i<l 
IVom  tbc  on'^iiial,  linvo  Ixjuu  ininK'  Tor  the  American 
Ccograpbical  Society,  Irom  tlic  birgcr  of  wbicb,  t<o 
iiincb  as  relates  to  tbe  pn'scnt  i)urj)().so,  ba.-^  been  can;- 
I'lilly  repi'odueed  bere  on  tb<'  same  scale.  It  is  to  Ik' 
regretted  tbat  tlie  names  along  tbe  lioast,  ami  tbe 
legends  relating  to  tbe  Verra/.zano  exploration,  an»  not 
pbotogrnpbed  ilistinctly,  tbougb  tbe  legends  and  a  lew 
names  bave  been  supplied  by  means  of  a  pen.  But  al- 
tliougb  a  knowledge  of  all  tbe  mimes  is  necessary  tbr 
a  tborougb  understanding  oi"  tbis  map,  tbese  pboto- 
grapbs,  nevertbel(\ss,  ailbrding  a  true  transcript  of  it  in 
otber  respects,  enable  us  to  determine  tbat  it  is  of  no 
autbority  a»  to  tbe  alleged  discovery  itself.' 

It  will  Im'  A)\md,  in  tbe  first  place,  to  ciontravene 
tbe  Verrazzimo  b'tter  af»  to  tbe  limits  of  tbe  discovery, 
botb  nortb  and  soutb,  and  to  indicate  merely  at) 
attempt  to  ivconeib'  tbat  discovery  ^,enerally  witb  tbe 

pliu'«^l  th''  rcliUion  of  Vcmizzuno  and  .Inctjuos  C'articr  in  ilml  volume,  lulds, 
timt  Innsinuch  ikB  Fnicastur  had  exhorted  hhu  to  make,  in  linllntioii  i>{ 
Pldli'iny,  four  or  five  imips  of  us  iDiicli  us  \v;i»  known  up  to  tliat  limi;  of 
the  pnri  of  the  wuilil  ri'(  ( iilly  dL'-cnvfrril,  lie  conld  not  disolicx  his  coni- 
niuiids,  and  li:id  Uu  nlarc  uiriii.i;i'<l  to  have  thi  lu  ni:iilc  l)V  llir  I'icdinontcsc 
cosnioirrapliii,  (iiaconm  dc  (Jastaidi.  'IMicy  arr  accord! n_:j,ly  to  lie  foiimi 
in  liie  hunu!  volume  with  llif  ieltcr  of  Vcriaz/.ano.  One  of  thcnj  isti  niaj) 
of  New  FraniL'  cxtt'iidin!:  somcwlail  -iciulli  lif  Noi'iiuitic',ni,  Iml  no  fcaiiircs 
of  till-  Vcrrazano  map  are  to  Ik  traced  upi.n  it:  and  no  oUier  map  of  ilic 
country  is  >,'iven.     Fol.  424 />. 

'  Tins  map  was  lirsl  l)rou,;;lit  to  puMii;  notice  l)y  M.  Tliomassey,  in  a 
memoir  cnlitU;d,  /ak  I'ajkn  (rrtxjrtiji/icx  el  la  Cosmof/rdp/iw  dii  Vnticdit, 
\vhi<ii  WHS  pulili>ln'd  in  tlie  Xi"irfUi!<  Aniuiku  ilfix  Vnyiiiji'^.  Nouvelleserie, 
tiane  XXXV.  Annce  is.'iii.  'I'onii!  Troisienie.  I'aris  We  ari;  indeliied 
to  lids  memoir  for  tin  explanation  on  o\ir  copy  of  the  map  of  ilic  scale  of 
dii-lances,  widch  is  ille^ililc  on  the  iilioiojrraphs.  Aecordiiig  to  this  explana- 
tion tlieit  sliouli\,he  nine  pjiints  in  the  narrower,  and  nineteen  in  tlie  wider 
s|)aci'8  Tnese  liein}?  two  and  a  half  lea>i;iu'H  apiwi,  (iive  twenty-ffvc  leagm  s 
for  the  snndler  and  liOy  leagues  Icr  t'le  larger  siiaces,  making  three  hnu- 
dred  and  /ifty  leagues  for  tliu  whole  scale. 


TIIK    VKKHAZAN!)    MAI' 


93 


(liM(H>vt;rk'.H  of  tliu  SpuiiiiuilM,  lJi\'Unif<  and  Portugiiem;, 
ii^sliowii  on  lluMimpHttf  the  iH'iiml  Uj  vvliiili  it  rt'luU-H. 

Tlio  cojiMt  ol  North  AiiU'iicii  Ih  hiid  down  nmtin- 
ii()Uf<ly  InMii  thi'gulf  ol"  Mrxico  to  I >;ivi.s  .straits,  hi  hkti- 
tinlc  GO"  N.  13i>;^inning  lU  the  i»ohit  of  FluriiJii,  which 
in  phiced  in  lalihulv  .'J3i  iV.,  more  tlian  eij^ht  degives 
north  of  itj<  true  |)OHitioii,  it  niiw  northerly  along  the 
Athintic,  tremhng  Kli«;liLly  to  tlie  west,  U)  a  hay  or  river, 
in  hititude  38  N.  (Jn  thin  [>urt  of  the  country,  called 
Terra  Florida,  the  arrn.s  of  Spain  arc  reprewented, 
denoting  itn  di.scovery  hy  the  Spaniards  :  and  the  whole 
of  Its  const  tor  a  diHtance  of  eighty  or  ninety  leagues, 
is  entirely  devoid  of  naniew. 

KiT)in  38''  N.  that  i..,  ii  )ni  the  land  of  Florida  as 
here  t*hi>wn,  the  'vjawt  contiinu's  in  a  northerly  direc- 
tion thirty  or  forty  leagues  furtner,  to  a  point  hetwivn 
•iO  and  iP  N.  when,  turnitig  northeiiHterly,  it  runs 
with  ;^light  variations,  on  a  general  <;onr.seof  east  north 
east,  for  six  hundred  and  fifty  leagu»!s  t<;  Cape  IJreton 
placed  in  latitude  oli  N.,  live  and  a  half  degrees  north 
of  it  true  position.  Along  thiw  part  of  the  (.'oant  more 
than  sixty  names  of  |)laceH  txicur  a.t  intervals  suffi- 
ciently regular  to  denote  one  c(»ntinuous  e\i)loratioii. 
They  ai-e  for  the  most  ])art  undistinguishablc!  on  the 
pliotogrii))hs.  hut  nint?  of  them,  at  the  iM'ginning,  aiv 
made  legihle  hy  hand,  the  first  two  of  which  conunenc- 
ing«/  hititmh'.  38*^,  are  l)i'p/Mi  and  Livorno.  The  others, 
proceeding  north,  are  J'i>u/n  (/<■  O'lhiml,  JU/iimf<in(i, 
Pdarajlor,  Commui.  Sdntuitjo,  C.fl'OlinijH:,  and  Olimfte, 
indicating  a  nomenclature  dilVerent  from  that  used  on 
iuiy  other  known  niaj)  of  this  region.  At  a  distance 
of  three  hundred  leagues  from  l)iep[ia,  and  in  iotiliula 
4G'  iV.,  i.s  a  large  triangular  island,  designated  by  the 


01 


VEIIKV'/^ZANO. 


Miiinc  of  Litusia.  Hence  to  Cape  Breton  tli?  names  arc 
illef:il)ly  photographed.  Along  this  coast,  at  tliroo 
p!)int,s,  namely,  in  latitutle  42*^' ;  opposite  the  ishmd  of 
Luisia,  in  latitude  46 ;  and  in  latitude  50°,  stand:mis 
are  disidayed,  the  nationality  of  which  cannot  be  distin- 
guished, but  which  no  doubl  were  intended  for  those 
of  France,  inasmuch  as  over  them  occurs  the  name  of 
Novn  GaU'ui  she  Iiicatanct  in  large,  coinmanding  letters, 
with  the  V^orra/zano  legend,  before  reterred  to  under- 
neath it,  in  the«e  words:  ^VemmviM  aen.  OnJ/ia  nooa 
(luidt  i/is(oj)ri  0  (tu/>'  Jn  Gloixmnl  lU  Vennzaito  fiorcn- 
fliio  per  o7'iline  et  coina/ahitncfr  del  Clii'ystiaids.nmo  Re 
di  Fniit'iK  ■  thiit  is.  \'i'rra7,zan;i  or  New  Gaul  wliich 
Giovanni  di  Verrazzano,  ;i  Florentine,  discovered  fioe 
ymrii  <u/o  hy  order  and  comniimd  of  the  most  Christian 
king  of  France.' 

Over  Cape  Breton  is  a  representatioTi  of  the  shield 
of  Brittany,  dcnoteil  by  its  ermines,  in  token  of  the 
discoverv  of  that  country  bv  the  Bretons,  wliich  is 
separated  by  ii  bay  or  gulf  from  Tert'<i  Nowd  sine  Le 
Mobtt,  the  bitter  term  l)eing  evidently  intended  for 
Bacalao  (coiUish,  Fr.  )iiorue),  the  receivotl  name  of 
Newfoundland.  The  southerly  coast  of  Terra  Nova  for 
an  hundrctl  leagues,  and  its  easttn'ly  coast  running  to 
the  north,  are  delineated,  with  the  Portuguese  name  of 
0.  fiii'i'i  and  the  island  ot  Rtcadoos  barely  legible.  The 
coast  runs  north  from  C.  llaso  to  G.  Formoso  in  lati- 
tude fiO    wlicrc  it  meets  the  straits  which  separate  it 

'  TlKMiiiiui's  V^rni/./.iii:!  !Uid  V(.'rni/y.aii'Mn  tliis  logpiiil  firi;  irvilten  ou 
the  photoirriipli  Ity  liiiiul,  willi  ;i  (l()nl)l('  .?,  tli<)in;ti  M.  Tlioinusspy  iwes 
only  lilt'  siiis^lc  z,  whicli  is  ailoptcil  mi  our  copy.  It  would  be  ii  siiiinilar 
circuiii'^liiiicc,  Iciidini;  to  siiiiii' fp(  Tulaliiiii,  it'  tlicy  ^lioiiUl  really  he  spell 
with  till'  two  /,'•<  oil  ilii-  original,  lliirouimo.  if  lir  were  Ihr  Itrollifr  of 
tiiovjiiiiii,  would  liaiilly  hnvc  wriltcu  lii-.  own  iianii'.aH  it  is  iiisci'ilied  on  llii' 
map,  witli  Olio  /,,  and  iliat  of  liih  ltiotlii;r  with  two,  in  the  same  ducnnuinl, 


THE    VF.KRAZAN'0    MAI'. 


95 


from  Terra  hifxyraf/yris,  ilio  country  discovered  by  Ga.s- 
par  Cortoreul  on  his  first  voyage,  but  here  attributed 
to  the  English,  and  being  in  fact  Greenhand.' 

It  is  obvious  that  the  discoveries  of  Verraz/'ano  are 
thus  intendcid  to  embrace  the  coast  from  latitude  38° 
N.  to  Cape  Breton,  tliat  is,  between  the  points  desig- 
nated by  the  armorial  designations  of  Spain  and  Brit- 
tany, and  not  beyond  either,  as  that  would  make  the 
nuip  contradict  itself  That  they  begin  at  the  parallel 
.-58  is  shown  by  the  names  of  Dieppa  and  Livorno, 
(Leghorn),  which  comm(»morat(!  the  port  to  which  the 
expedition  oi'  V^eri'azzano  Ixdonged,  and  the  country  in 
which  he  himself  was  born.  These  names  cannot  be 
n.ssociated  with  any  other  alleged  expedition.  They 
are  given  on  the  map  which  contains  the  legend  de- 
claring the  country  gcaierally  to  have  been  discovered 
by  him  ;  and  are  noffound  on  any  other.  There  can 
be  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  they  are  meant  to  indicate 
the  beginning  of  his  exploration  in  the  south. 

That  liis  discoveries  are  represented  as  extending 
in  the  north  to  Cape  Breton  is  proven  by  the  continua- 
tion of  the  names  to  that  point,  showing  an  explora- 
tion by  some  voyager  along  that  entire  coast,  and  by 
the  absence  of  any  designation  of  its  discovery  by  any 
other  nation  than  the  French  ;  while  the  distance  from 
Dieppa  to  Cape  Breton  is  laid  down  as  seven  hundred 
leagues,  the  same  as  claimed  ibr  this  exploi'ation. 

But  in  restricting  his  discoveries  to  latitude  88"  N. 


'  Mr.  Hrevoorl  pvcs  (iIIkt  niiincf^  us  Icfiihlc  on  tlic  cMslcrly  coast  of 
TfiTa  Nova,  wliicli  we  liiivu  iiol  Ijwii  iiltif  to  ili.sliiiguisli,  nuinely:  r.  de 
sprra,  iUa  (It-  mm  bm,  monk  ilc  triyo,  iinil  ilia  don  arcs.  Mr.  B.  ri-ads 
IrcvTANET.  nnil  M.  Miiriiry  Yitatankt,  where  our  eiijiniver  lias  Ir(  a- 
TA.NiA,  tor  till:  j^oiicnil  name  of  (he  counlry.  The  word  iti  t'ithor  torni 
iilxH'hryphiil,  as  Viirntiin  is  lii'siunati'd  hi  U.s  proper  iilai-c,  lhoui;h  as  an 
island;  hut,  which  lorni  i?  eorrecl  etvnuot  be  deterniiaed  from  the 
photograph. 


96 


VEHRA7,ZAXn. 


on  the  south,  this  map  esnontially  departs  from  tlic 
nlaim  set  up  in  the  lett<ir  ascribed  to  Verrazzano  whicli 
carries  them  to  fifty  leagues  south  of  34' ;  and  on  the 
other  hand,  in  hmiting  them,  in  the  north,  to  the  hind 
discovered  by  the  Bretons,  it  conforms  to  its  Portu- 
guese authorities,  upon  which,  as  will  be  seen,  it  was 
founded,  but,  in  so  doing,  contradicts  the  letter  which 
extends  them  to  the  point  where  the  Portuguese  com- 
menced their  explorations  to  the  Arctic  circle,  which 
this  map  itself  shows  were  on  the  east  side  of  Terra 
Nova.  Verrazzano  the  navigator,  therefore,  could  not 
have  been  the  author  of  the  letter  and  also  the  author- 
ity for  the  map. 

That  thirf  map  did  not  proceed  from  him  is  also 
proven  by  the  representation  upon  it  of  a  great  ocean, 
called  Mare  Occidentale,  which  is  laid  down  l)etween 
the  parallels  within  whicli  these  discoveries  are  con- 
fined. It  lies  on  the  west  side  of  the  continent  l)ut 
approaches  so  near  the  Atlantic,  in  latitude  41°  N., 
that  is,  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York,  that  according  to 
a  legend  describing  it,  the  two  oceans  are  there  only 
six  miler  apart,  and  can  be  seen  from  each  other. 
This  isthmus  occurs  several  hundred  miles  north  of 
Dieppa,  and  therefore  at  a  pointabsolutely  fixed  with- 
in the  limits  of  the  Verrazzano  discoveries,  and  whore 
the  navigator  must  have  sailed,  accoi'ding  to  ]>oth  the 
letter  and  the  map,  whether  the  latitudes  on  the  map 
be  correctly  described  or  not.  This  western  sea  is  thus 
made  by  its  position  a  part  of  the  discoveries  of  Verraz- 
zano, and  is  declared  by  the  legend  to  have  been  actually 
seen;  and  as  he  was  the  discoverer,  it  must  be  intended 
to  have  been  seen  by  him.  As,  however,  there  is  no  such 
sea  in  realitv,  Verrazzano  could  never  have  seen  it;  and 


'n 

I 


THE    VERRAZANO    MAP. 


9: 


therefore,  he  could  not  have  ho  represented;  or  if  he 
did,  then  tiie  wliole  .story  must  for  that  reason  alone 
he  discredited.  There  is  no  escape  from  this  dilemma. 
Verrazzano  could  not  have  been  deceived  and  have 
mistaken  some  other  sheet  of  water  for  this  great  sea, 
and  so  represented  it  on  any  chart,  or  communicated 
it  in  any  other  way  to  the  maker  of  this  map  ;  for  he 
makes  no  mention  of  the  circumstance  in  his  letter  to  the 
Icing  to  whom  he  would  have  been  prompt  to  report  so 
important  a  fact;  as  it  would  have  proved  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  object  of  his  voyage, —  the  discovery 
of  a  passage  through  this  region  to  Cathay,  or  if  not  a 
passage,  at  least  a  way,  which  could  have  been  made 
available  for  reaching  the  land  of  spices  and  aromatics, 
by  reason  of  its  low  grade,  evident  by  one  sea  being 
seen  from  the  other,  and  its  short  distance. 

The  unauthenticcharacter  of  thismap,  and  the  man- 
ner in  which  its  representation  of  the  Verrazzano  dis- 
coveries was  produced,  distinctly  appear  in  its  method 
of  construction.  Cape  IJreton  and  Terra  Nova  are  repre- 
sented as  they  are  laid  down  on  the  charts  of  Pedro 
Reinel  and  the  anonymous  cartographer, —  reproduced 
on  the  first  and  fourth  sheets  of  the  Munich  atlas 
and  un([uestionably  belonging  to  the  period  anterior  to 
the  discovery  of  the  continuity  of  the  land  from  Florida 
to  Cape  Breton.  They  bear  the  names  which  aie 
found  on  those  maps,  importing  their  discovery  thus 
early  by  the  Bretons  and  Portuguese.  In  the  south, 
the  designation  of  Florida  as  a  Spanish  discovery,  with 
its  southerly  coast  running  along  the  parallel  of  thirty- 
lliree  and  a  half  of  north  latitude,  eight  degrees  north 
of  its  actual  position,  is  precisely  the  same  as  it  is 
13 


98 


VERRAZZANO. 


shown  on  the  anonymous  Portuguese  chart  just  men- 
tioned. Those  representations  of  the  country,  in  the 
north  and  the  south,  were  thus  adopted  as  the  basis 
of  this  map.  But  as  there  were  not  seven  hundred 
leagues  of  coast  between  hititude  38°  and  Cape  Bre- 
ton, which  is  the  distance  it  indicates  as  having  been 
explored  by  Verrazzano,  that  extent  could  be  obtained 
only,  either  by  changing  the  latitude  of  Florida  or 
Cape  Breton,  or  prolonging  the  coast  longitudinally, 
or  both.  The  latitude  of  the  northerly  limit  of  Florida 
having  been  preserved  for  the  commencement  of  the 
discoveries,  Cape  Breton  had  therefore  to  be  changed 
and  was  accordingly  carried  five  degrees  and  a  half 
further  north  and  placed  in  latitude  5H  instead  of  46, 
and  by  conse([uence  the  whole  line  of  coast  was  thrown 
several  degrees  in  that  direction,  as  is  proven  by  the 
position  of  the  island  of  Louise,  which  thus  falls  in 
40'^  N.  instead  of  41'',  the  latitude  assigned  to  it  in  the 
letter,  Notliing  could  more  conclusively  show  the 
factitious  origin  of  this  delineation  and  its  worthless- 
ness  as  an  exposition  of  the  Verrazzano  discovery. 

Some  importance,  however,  attaches  to  this  map  in 
its  assisting  us  to  iix  approximately  the  time  of  the 
fabrication  of  the  Verrazzano  letter.  If  it  were  con- 
structed in  1529,  as  s(mie  would  infer,  with  the  portions 
relating  to  the  discovery  upon  it,  then  it  is  the  earliest 
recognition  of  the  cluim  to  this  discovery  yet  produced, 
irrespective  of  the  letter.  But  it  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  it  was  originally  made  in  that  ycsar.  Nothing 
appears  on  the  map  itself  giving  that  date  in  terms  ; 
but  it  is  left  to  be  inferred  exclusively  from  the  lan- 
guage of  the  legend,  which  states  that  tlie  discovery 


THE    VKRHAZAXO    MAP. 


99 


Wiis  made  five  years  ago,  without  any  indication,  citlior 
in  the  legend  itself  or  el.s(.'where  on  the  nuip,  to  what 
time  that  period  relates;  and  leaving  the  discovery, 
therefore,  to  he  ascertained  froxn  extraneous  sources. 
If  the  discovery  he  assumed  to  have  been  made  in  1524, 
then  indeed  the  map,  according  to  the  legend,  would 
have  been  constructed  in  1529.     But  no  person,  unac- 
quainted with  the  letter,  can  determine  from  this  in- 
scription, or  any  other  part  of  the  map,  the  date  either 
of  the  discovery  or  map;  and  this  precise  dilliculty 
Kuphrosynus   Dlpius   apparently   encount(^red  in    at- 
tempting to  fix  the  time  of  the  discovery  for  his  globe, 
as  will  hereafter  be  seen.     Wliy  the  time  of  the  dis- 
covery should  have  been  left  in  such  an  ambiguous  state, 
comi)atibly  with  fair  intentions,  it  isdiflicult  to  under- 
stand.    The   year    itself  could    and    shoidd,    in    the 
absence  of  any  date   on    the   map,  have  been  stated 
directly  in  the  legend,  without  comp«dling  a  resort  to 
other  authorities.      It  is  not  unusual,   it  is  true,  for 
valuable  maps  and  charts  of  this  period  to  be  left  with- 
out the  dates  of  their  construction  upon  them;    but 
when,  as  in  this  case,  a  date  is  called  for,  there  seems 
to  be  no  reason  Avhy  ii  should  not  have   been   given. 
Tliis  circumstance  creates  the  suspicion  that  the  legend 
did   not  behjng  to  the  maj)  originally,  but  was  added 
afterwards,  as  it  now  appears  on  the  copy  in  the  Vati- 
can; or  if  it  were  upon  it  then,  that  it  was  intended  to 
mislead  and  conceal  the  true  ([',\ie  of  the  map.     But 
whatever  may  be  the  secret  of  its  origin,  this  legend 
furnishes  no  positive  evidence  as  to  the  time  when  the 
map  was  made,  or  pretended  to  have  been  nuide ;  antl 
we  are  left  to  find  its  di\te,  if  possible,  by  other  means. 


100 


VEKliAZZANO. 


A  fact  wlilcli  indicates  that  this  map  could  not 
luiveoxiistt'd  as  Into  as  lASO,  in  the  form  in  which  it  is 
now  jircscnted,  if  it  existed  then  at  all,  i.s  that  the 
western  sea  is  delineated  upon  a  map  of  the  world,  nuide 
in  that  yvav,  ]ty  Baptista  Agnese,  an  Italian  cosmo- 
grapher,  without  any  reference  to  the  Verrazzano  dis- 
coveries, under  circumstances  which  would  have  led 
him  to  have  recognizcnl  them  if  he  knew  of  them, 
and  which  would  have  re(|uired  liim  to  have  done  so  if 
this  map  were  his  authority.  This  sea  is  laid  down 
hy  Ai^nese  in  the  same  manner  as  it  is  shown  on  the 
Verrazano  map,  approaching-  the  Atlantic,  from  the 
north,  along  a  narrow  istlunus  terminating  at  latitude 
40^',  with  the  coast  turning  abruptly  to  the  west ;  the 
ocean  being  thus  represented  open  thence  from  the  isth- 
nuis  to  Cathay.  A  track  of  Frenc^h  navigation,  not  a 
single  voyag<>.  expressed  by  the  words  :  el  cimjfs  dc 
France,  is  designated  upon  it,  leading  from  the  north  of 
France  to  this  istlunus,  n^ferring  obviously  to  the  voy- 
age's t)l'  the  fishermen  of  Brittau}'  and  Normamh',  to 
the  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Fugland.  No  allu- 
sion is  madi'  to  the  voyage  of  \'errazzano,  or  to  the  dis- 
coveries attribut(Ml  to  him  by  the  Verrazano  map.  The 
Atlantic  coast  on  the  contrary,  is  plainly  delineated 
after  tlie  Spanish  map  of  Hibero,  as  is  shown  by  the 
I'orm,  ])i'culiar  to  that  map,  of  the  coast,  at  latitude  40"^', 
returning  to  the  west.  It  is  apparent,  therefore,  that 
the  two  u)apsof  Agnese  and  Verrazano,  both  represent- 
ing the  western  sea  in  the  same  form,  must  have  been 
derived  from  a  common  source,  or  else  one  was  taken 
from  the  other  ;  and  that  (he  map  of  Agnese;  could  not, 
in  either  case,  have  beeui  d<'rivcd  from  a  nuij)  showing 


TIIK  VEKUAZANO  MAI'. 


101 


tb.c  Vorrazzano  discovery,  ami  iiiustoonso([iieiitly  liave 
been  anterior  to  the  Verrazano  nia[)  in  its  present 
form. 

It  militatoH  against  tlit-  authenticity  of  the  Verra- 
zano  map  and  the  early  date  which  it  wouhl  have  in- 
ferred for  itself,  tliat  there  is  not  a  single  known  map 
(<r  chart,  either  published  or  unpublished,  before  the 
great  map  ol'  Mercator  in  15(1"J,  that  refers  to  the 
Verrazzano  di.scoveries,  or  recognizes  this  map  in  any 
respect  before  that  of  .Michael  Tiok,  published  by 
llakluyt,  in  lo82  ;  or  any  before  Lok,  that  ajjplies  the 
name  of  the  aea  of  Verrazano  to  the  western  .sea.  The 
unauthenticated  and  until  r<'cent!y  uimoticed  globe 
of  Euphrosynns  Ulpius,  purporting  to  have  been  con- 
structed in  1542,  of  which  we  will  speak  presently,  is 
tlie  oidy  evidence  yet  presented  of  the  existence  of  the 
Verrazano  map,  as  it  now  a[)poars,  beyond  the  map 
itself.  The  whole  theory  of  the  earl}'  inlluence  of  the 
Verrazzano  discovery,  or  of  the  Verrazano  map,  upon 
the  cartography  of  the  period  to  which  they  relate, 
and  its  conse({uently  proving  their  authenticity,  as 
advanced  by  some  learned  writers,  is  theref<)re  incor- 
rect and  is  founded  in  a  misconception  of  fact. 

This  mistake  relates  to  a  maj)  which  is  found  in 
several  editions  of  the  geography  of  Ptolemy  printed  at 
Basle,  su[)[)osed  to  represent  the  western  sea  shortly 
after  the  Verrazzano  discovery,  and  consequently  as 
derived  from  that  source.  Mr  Kolih'  in  a  chapter 
si)ecially  devoted  to  the  consideration  ol"  charts  from 
Verrazzano,  reproduces   one    (No.    xv.   a)    v/hich    he 


'  Wi'  HIV  iiiilcl)t('il  ciitiri'ly  to  ^Tr,  Kolil  for  our  kiuiwlcdifc  ofllic  ninp  of 
AifiiPHi'.  wliicii  lie  protliici's,  nil  ii  iciluccil  scale,  in  Hit;  Jlixmivry  of  Miii.nc, 
(<li!irl  XIV),  Willi  an  :icci>iiiii  I'Ctlic  iu.'i|i  :iinl  its  niiUior  (p  '30'J) 


102 


VERUAZZANO. 


describes  as  a  sketch  of  North  America,  from  a  map 
of  the  new  world,  in  an  edition  of  Ptolemy  pj'inted  in 
IJasle,  1530.  And  he  adds :  "  the  map  was  drawn 
and  engraved  a  Jew  years  after  Verrazanos  ex}te(litwn. 
The  plate  upon  which  it  was  engraved,  must  have  been 
in  use  for  along  time  ;  for  the  same  map  appears  both 
in  earlier  and  much  later  editions  of  Ptolemy.  The 
same  also  reappears  in  the  cosmogruphy  of  Sebastian 
Miinster,  published  in  Basle."  Mr.  K.  finally  observes 
in  regard  to  it:  ''  this  map  has  this  particular  interest 
for  us,  that  it  is  probably  the  first  on  which  the  sea  of 
Verrazano  was  depicted  in  the  form  given  to  it  by  Lok, 
in  15S2.  1  have  found  no  map  ])rior  to  1530,  on  which 
this  delineation  appears."  '  There  is  a  little  confusion 
of  dates  in  this  statement.  Mr.  K.  states,  however,  that 
he  had  not  seen  the  map  of  IJieronimo  de  Verrazano, 
and  evidently  derives  his  information,  in  regard  to 
the  sea  of  Verrazano,  from  the  map  of  Lok,  wlio  alone 
gives  the  western  sea  the  name  of  Mare  de  Yerrazaua, 
no  doubt  because  he  found  the  sea  laid  down  on  the 
map  presented  by  Verrazzano  to  Henry  VI 11,  to  which 
reference  will  presently  be  made.  Had  Mr.  K.  seen 
the  Verrazano  map  with  the  absurd  legend  upon  it,  in 
effect  declaring  the  western  sea  to  have  been  observed 
by  Verrazzano,  he  must  have  arrived  atdifterent  conclu- 
sions, notwithstanding  the  map  in  Ptolemy  of  the  sup- 
posed early  date.  Mr.  Brevoort,  in  his  notes  on  the 
Verrazano  map,  probably  relying  on  the  authority  of 
Mr.  Kohl,  says,  "  that  the  first  published  map  contain- 
ing traces  of  Verrazano's  explorations,  is  in  the  Ptolemy 
of  Basle,  1530,  which  appeared  four  years  before  the 


Discovery  of  Milling  \i[\.  21(()-7, 


THE    VERRAZANO    MAP. 


103 


French  renewed  their  atleniptji  id  American  eor  pi  oration. 
It  shows  tlie  western  sea  without  a  name,  and  the  hmd 
nortli  of  it  is  called  Francisca."  '  The  inference  left  to 
Ix!  draw  is  that  the  presence  of  the  French  in  this 
region,  as  denoted  by  the  name,  Francisca,  four  years 
before  the  discoveries  in  that  rjuarter,  by  Jacques  Car- 
tier,  and  by  the  delineation  of  the  western  sua  upon  the 
Verrazano  map,  cptablish  the  authenticity  both  of  the 
voyage  of  Verrazzano  and  the  map. 

All  this  is  erroneous.  There  was  no  edition  of 
Ptolemy  published  in  1530  at  Basle,  or  elsewhere, 
known  to  bibliographers.  The  map  to  which  reference 
is  made,  and  which  is  reproduced  by  Mr.  Kohl,  was 
first  printed  in  1540  at  Basle,  in  an  edition  of  Ptolemy 
with  new  maps,  both  of  the  new  and  old  world,  and 
with  new  descriptions  of  the  countries  embraced  in 
them,  printed  on  the  back  of  each,  accompanied  by  a 
geographical  description  of  the  modern  st;'te  of  the 
countries  of  the  old  world  by  Sebastian  Miinster.'^  In 
all  the  editions  of  Ptolemy,  containing  maps  of  the 
new  world,  before  the  year  1540,  North  America  was 
represented  according  to  the  mistaken  ideas  of  Waltze- 
miiller  on  that  subject  in  1513,  and  without  regard  to 
the  discoveries  which  took  place  after  his  edition.  The 
maps  of  Miinster  constituted  a  new  departure  of  the 
Ptolemies  in  this  respect,  and  were  intended  to  repre- 
sent the  later  discoveries  in  the  new  world.  They  were 
reprinted  several  times  at  Biisle  by  the  same  printer, 

'  Joiii-nal  of  Am.  Geog.  &M:.  of  Xein  York,  vo).  iv,  p.  279. 

'  Geogrnphiix  Univermlk,  Tclna  et  nt/va,  compkcUns  Clnudii  ItoknuH  Alex- 
andrini  eiKirralumis  Wmm  viii.  *  *  *  Succfduui  tabidif  J'tolt^makc,  opera 
t)flimti(ini  MuiiKten  -novo  povatc  inodo.  Ilk  adject&  sunt  pltiiinie  noiuB 
tiibukt,  m/xiernd  orbui  fuciein  lilevix  <t  pictura  ejrpliciintes,  inter  quius  quitdam 
anteluic  PtolenuM  iion  fntvunt  iiddidw.  Sui.  Ibl.  Busilcu;  apud  lieni'icuiii 
I'oUum  Mcuttc  Martio  Anno  mdxi,. 


104 


VERHAZZANO. 


Ilcnri  V'mnv.  (Lolowell  ii.  17(),  *J08).  In  the  first 
edition,  which  is  now  iyin;;  lu'lore  us,  the  map  in  ques- 
tion, number  15,  hears  th(^  title  ofiV^wr  I/tsnh  xvii. 
Nova  Tiihnla.  It  is  an  enlarged  representation  of  the 
portion  rchititifi,  to  the  new  worhl  oi"  another  map,  No. 
1,  in  the  same  volume,  called  Tjjpm  Uidversalln,  a  map 
of  the  whok^  world,  which  appears  here  also  as  ji  new 
map,  and  repres<Mits,  for  the  first  time  in  the  Ptohiinaic 
series,  tiie  straits  of  Magellan  in  the  south,  New  France 
in  the  north,  and  the  coast  running  continuously,  norlli 
and  norihcAist,  from  Florida  to  Newfoundland. 

Upon  this  ma[)  a  deoj)  gulf  is  shown,  indenting 
America  from  a  strait  in  the  north,  which  leads  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Facific,  in  the  regicm  of  lludscjn's 
straits,  in  latitude  00"  N.  This  gull"  runs  southerly 
into  tht!  continent  as  far  as  latitude  40^^  N.,  approaching 
the  Atlantic  coast,  and  in  that  ri'spect,  alone,  conforms 
to  the  representation  of  the  westi^rn  sea  on  the  maps 
of  Verrazano  and  Lok.  It  diilers  materially,  however, 
from  that  ser,  and  indicates  an  entirely  difterent  mean- 
ing and  origin.  It  is  simply  a  gulf,  or  deep  bay,  like 
Hudson's  bay,  but  reaching  further  south,  Ix^ng  land- 
locked on  all  sides,  except  the  north,  as  high  as  lati- 
tude C0°  N. ;  whereas  the  western  sea,  on  the  other 
maps,  is,  as  already  observed,  an  open  sea,  extending 
westerly  from  the  isthmus  in  latitude  40'',  without 
intervening  land,  uninterruptedly  to  India.  The  in- 
tention of  the  delineation  of  this  portion  of  the  map,  is 
not  equivocal.  For  the  first  time,  on  any  map,  there 
is  found  upon  it  the  name  of  Francisca,  which  is 
placed  above  the  parallel  of  ()0"  N.  latitude  and  above 
that  of  C.  Brifoiium,  designated  thus  by  name,  in  the 
proper  position  of  Cape  Breton.     It  is  placed  between 


THE    VKKUAZANo    MAI' 


105 


the  river  8t.  LiiwrtMuv,  vvliicli  hIhu  is  rcpresi'iitcd  l)ut 
not  niimed,  and  the  gidf  boloro  iiu'iitiotu'd.  This  niiiiic, 
Fniiu'iscii,'  or  tlio  Frcnr/i  Idnd,  and  tho  position,  indi- 
cate tlu'  th<Mi  recent  discoveries  in  that  re;^ion,  which 
were  due  to  tlie  Krench  inider  .huHjueH  Cartier,  and 
which  eouhl  i)roperly  beh)n<,'to  no  other  exploration  of 
tlie  French.  The  gulf,  no  doubt,  relates  tothegreat  Ir/vcs 
or  fre.h  water  sea  of  which  ('artier  had  heard  from  Llie 
natives,  as  lie  himwdf  mentions,      (llakluyt,  ii;    22">.) 

With  the  correction,  therefore',  of  the  date  of  the 
i^rihister  map,  the  argument  in  favorof  the  authenticity 
either  of  the  Verrazzano  discovery  or  of  the  Verra/ano 
nnip,  based  upon  tlu;  re(;ognition  by  the  Minister  map, 
of  that  discovery  inunediately  after  it  is  alU'ged  to 
have  taken  place,  or  :ifter  the  idleged  construction  of 
the  V^errazano  map,  in  I  ")20,  and  before  any  other  voy- 
ages were  made  by  the  French  to  that  region,  falls 
•Mitirely  to  the  ground.  Atid  with  the  actual  represent- 
ation upon  it  of  the  discoveries  of  Cartier,  without  any 
allusion  to  the  alleged  discoveries  of  Verrazzano  or 
the  pretensions  of  the  Verrazano  map,  while  giving 
the  latest  discoveries  in  America,  it  is  fairly  to  be  con- 
cluded that  both  were  unheard  of,  or  utterly  discredited 
by  the  author  of  the  Miinstcr  mnp. 

The  map  of  Agnese  stands,  tlu.'n^fore.  as  the  earliest 
chart  of  an  acknowledifed  date  showinti  the  western 
sea,  and  that  is  iiuleiKmdently  of  the  Verrazzano  dis- 
covery, or  tluj  V\MTazano  map.  The  hitherto  un- 
published maps  produced  Ity  Mr.  Kohl,  al.^o  for  the 
purpose  of  proving  the  iutluence  of  the  Verrazzano 
di.'^covery,  fail  entirely  of  that  object.  The  first  of  them, 

'  Ciilk'il  VrniiCi'iti-  ill  ilic  iliscoiirsc  of  the  Fri'iicli  ciiplaiii  of  DiupiK; 
U 


1U6 


VEUHAZZANO. 


in  point  of  ilnto,  iho  nk«'ti-h  (  No.  xv.  c)  from  tlio 
l)ort()liiiu)  t)!"  lo.'JCt,  pn'scrvi'd  in  tlio  BodU'iiin  lild'jiryat 
Oxford,  hIiows  a  track  (^  navigation  from  tin;  north  of 
Frani'i',  across  tlu*  Atljintic,  runuin<j  ftehrren  (/it  lidni- 
Idofi  and  the  land  of  tin  Unions,  f/imui/h  thr  tjnlf  of 
St.  LdicreiH'e,  to  the  I\K'lJic,ondtlieurc  to  Cutlmi/.  'V\\vvo. 
18  no  ri;pre«tntation  of  \\\v  wi'Htfrn  soa,  as  shown 
on  the*  Vcrrazano  inaj),  l>ul  on  the  contrary,  the  wlioK' 
of  thi  western  const  of  Nortli  America  is  sliown  con- 
jectnially  in  a  dillercnt  fornix,  hy  dotted  hnes.  So  lar 
as  this  map  ulli)rds  an)  indication  on  thi;  snhject,  it 
refers  to  tlie  route  of  Cartier,  and  dehncates  the  At- 
hintic  coast  accordinji  to  the  Spanish  map  of  Kihtro, 
that  is,  with  a  tronchng  ol  thy  coast  in  a  more  north- 
erly direction  than  tiie  Verra/ano  map,  and  with  the 
pecnliar  return  of  that  coast  westerly,  in  latitude  40" 
N.,  given  on  that  map.  The  next  chart  (No  xv.  f?) 
from  a  mtip  made  by  Diego  llomem  in  1510,  shows 
tin-  western  sea  nearly  the  same  as  on  the  map  i)f 
Agnese,  hut  conjecturally  only;  while  the  representa- 
tion of  the  Atlantic  coast  has  the  same  characteristics 
as  the  Bodleian  and  Apiese  maps,  showing  its  di-riva- 
tion  from  Kibero  and  not  the  \'errazano  nuip.  IMu! 
remaining  sketch  given  by  Mr.  Kohl  (No.  xv.  A)  from 
a  map  made  by  G.  RuscoUi  in  1544,  presenting  the 
same  features,  as  do  tlu;  two  others,  in  n-gard  t(j  the 
Atlantic  coast,  puts  beyond  all  question  that  the  map 
of  Hibero  is  its  authority,  by  adopting  from  it  the  name 
<jf  Montiirjne  Verde  which  is  applied  by  Ribero  to  the 
hills  at  the  mouthof  the  river  San  Antonio,  in  latitude 
41'  N.,  thereby  certainly  excluding  any  recognition 
of  the  Verra/zano  discovery  or  the  Verrazano  map. 


TIIK.    VKRKA/ANO    MAI'. 


107 


Thu  first  piiblislu'd  iimp  wliich  n'tt'i'.i  U)  tin'  Vcrnu- 
/aiio  «li»covt'rioH,  thut  of  iVh'rciitor  in  lOlil*,  iimki's  in* 
rolorencu  to  the  V'«Mra/,aiio  map,  and  doed  not  rt'^-oji;- 
nize  it  in  any  manner.  Mcrcator  wai^  the  lirst  U)  givo 
the  name  of  (Maudia  to  the  island  of  Loiiiwc,  <'vid('ntly 
mi.staking  the  name  of  the  wife  of  Francis,  for  that  of 
iiiH  mother,  after  whom  the  island  waa  called,  accord- 
inu;  to  the  letter,  without  stating  her  name.  Mercator 
gives  a  legend  in  which  \w  mentions  that  \'erra/^ano 
arrived  on  the  coast  on  the  1 7th  of  March  lOlil,  wliich 
is  the  (lay  according  to  tiie  version  of  l^amusio,  fol- 
lowing our  mode  of  computation,  as  hc'fori"  t-xplained. 
It  is  evidi'iit,  iherefort',  that  Mercator  had  the  Uamu- 
sio  version  before  him,  and  not  the  Verra/.ano  map,  as 
his  authority  on  the  subject.  His  delineation  of  the 
Atlantic  coast,  moreover,  is  according  to  the  plan  of 
Ribero,  ami  he  gives  no  indication  of  the  western  sea 
of  the  Vernizano  map,  but  mentions  in  a  legend  the 
fresh  water  inland  sea  spoken  of  by  Cartier,  of  the  ex- 
tent of  which  the  Indians  were  ignorant. 

The  existence  of  the  V^erra/.ano  map,  much  less  its 
date,  is  obviously  not  proven  by  any  of  the  maps  or 
charts  to  which  reference  has  here  been  made,  and 
which  are  supposed  to  rellect  some  of  its  features,  or 
indicate  the  verity  of  the  Verra/zano  discovery.  There 
is,  however,  some  evidence  of  a  positive  character,  both 
historical  and  cartographical,  which  points  to  the  ex- 
istence of  this  map  in  two  ditferent  forms,  one  origin- 
ally not  representing  the  Verraz/ano  discovery,  and  the 
other  sujjsequently,  as  now  presented. 

The  existence  of  a  Verrazano  map  in  some  form  or 
other,  as  early  as  Ih^M,  seems  to  be  established  by  a 


108 


\ERKAZZANO. 


letter  of  the  commendatory.  Aiinibal  Caro,  written  in 
that  year.    Cai'o,  who  became  di.stinguished  anion^;  his 
countrymcji  tor  his  polite  learning,  was,  in  early  Hie, 
Hccretiiry  tv  the  cardinal,  M.  dc  Caddi,  a  Florentine, 
residing  in  Koine.     While  thus  engaged,,  he   aceom- 
panitd  his  patron  on  a  journey  to  the  mines  of  Sicily, 
and  there,  from  Castro,  addressed  a  playful  letter  to 
the  membe'\s  generally  of  the  cardinal's  household, 
remaining  at  Koine.     In   this  letter,  which   is  dated 
the  1.3th  of  October  in  that  ^car,  he  writes  to  them  : 
"  T  will  address  sometimes  one  and  sometimes  another 
of  you,  as  matters  come  into  my  mind.     To  you,  Ver- 
razmno,  a  seeker  oi' new  worhls  and  their  marvels,   1 
cannot  yet  say  anything  worthy  o(  /^'onr  map,  because 
we  have  not  passed  through  any  country  which  has 
not  been  discovered  by  you  or  your  brother."  '     This 
passagt^  was  supposed  l)y  Tiraboschi  to  have  been  ad- 
dressed to  tiie  navigator,  and  as  proving  that  he  was 
alive  at  the  time  the  letter  was  written.     But  we  now 
know  that  Verra//,ano  had  then  been  dend  ten  years'; 
besides,  it  is  not   probiibU',    inasmuch  as   the   [leisoa 
addressi'd  was  one  of  the  servants  of  the  prelate,  that 
the  navigator  would  h;ive  occupied  that  position.     M. 
Arcaugell  suggests  that    the  name  is   used   by   Caro 
merely  as  a  num  dt  (juerre ;-  but  in  either  case,  whether 
borrowed  or  not,  the  remark  plainly  enough  refers  to 
a  Verra/zano  mnp,  which  iiiii\  />o.sfii/)fij  have  been  the 
map  of  Ilieronimo. 


'  De  k  Icttre  familiari  ikl  I'liinmcndittore  Annilxil  Ciro  vol  i  p  (17 
Vnu'tiii  l.-^SI. 

'' nist'or.w  ,SV,/,r,(  (Unriiiiid  <h,  \^,|■nu^,lllO,  \\.  0",  in  Archirio  Stnrico 
/'(//I'iMc),  ApiK'iidice  Vdl.  ix. 


m 


THE    VEHRAZANO    MAI' 


100 


Hakliiyt  I'uniislies  k'.stitnony  which,  if  correct,  shows 
the  prt)bable  existence  of  this  inap  before  1529,  /hi/ 
iiof  i It  Us  present  forir  In  tiie  dedication  to  riiilli[) 
Sydney  of  his  "Divers  voyages  touching  the  discoveries 
of  America,  &c.,"  printed  in  1582,  he  refers  to  the  [)roba- 
bilities  of  the  existence  of  a  nortliwcst  passage,  and 
remarks  tiiat,  "  Master  John  Verarzanus  wiiich  had 
been  thrisc  on  that  eoiust  in  iin  ohle  excellent  mappe, 
which  he  gave  to  King  Henry  the  e'glit,  and  is  yet  in 
oustodie  of  Master  Locke,  doth  so  lay  it  out  as  is  to  bee 
scene  in  the  mappe  aiinexed  to  the  end  of  this  boke, 
being  ir'nlo  nccoi'ding  to  Verarzanus  plat."'  Ilakluyt 
thus  positively  allirms  tlnit  the  old  map  to  which  In; 
refers  was  given  by  Verraz/ano  himself  to  ihe  king. 
What  evidence  hi'  had  of  that  fact  he  does  not  men- 
lion,  but  he  speaks  of  the  map  as  if  it  had  been  seen 
by  him,  and  piobably  that  was  his  authority.  The 
nnip  he  declares  of  his  own  knowledge  was  transferred, 
so  far  as  regards  the  western  strait,  to  the  map  of  Lok, 
Avhich  he  himself  publishes.  Lok's  map  represents  the 
northwest  passage  as  attempted  by  Frobisher  in  his 
several  vovaj^es,  and  as  continued  from  tiie  termina- 
t  ion  of  the  Knglish  exploration,  to  a  western  sea,  a 
jtortion  of  which  lying  between  the  parallels  of  40°  N. 
and  50"  N.  latitude  is  laid  down  the  same  as  it  appears 
on  the  Verrazano  map.  •\\n\  lu'ars  tlie  inscription  of 
Mare  de  Virrarjuia  Xb'li.  The  map  of  Lok  is  the  first 
one  upini  wliich  the  western  sea  is  so  cidlcd.  'i'hc 
designation  was  undoiiljted^y  the  work  of  Lok  himself, 
as  it  is  in  conibrmity  witli  his  practic(i  in  other  parts 
of  the  maj),  where  he  ilenotes  the  discoveries  of  others 
in  the  same   way,  that   is,  l)y   their  names  with   tlic 


no 


VEKKAZZANO. 


dates  of  their  voyages  annexed.  lie  no  doubt  applied 
tlie  name  of  Vcrrazzano  to  tlii.s  ocean  from  linding 
it  represented  on  the  old  map  <i;iven  by  Verraz/ano 
to  the  king,  and  obtained  the  date  from  the  letter,  of 
which  llakluyt  printed  in  the  same  volume  a  transla- 
tion from  the  version  in  Ramusio.  It  is  certain  tluit 
V'errazzano  could  not  have  been  accessory  to  declaring 
it  a  (/t.scoyery  by  himself  for  the  reason  already  men- 
tioned that  no  such  sea,  as  there  laid  down,  existed  to 
have  been  discovered. 

Lok's  map  represents  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  in  lati- 
tude 41°  N.,  the  island  alleged  in  the  Verrazzano  letter 
to  have  been  named  after  the  king's  mother,  and  gives 
it  the  name  of  Claudia.  That  it  is  the  same  island  is 
proven  by  note  to  the  translation  of  the  letter  given  in 
the  volume  in  which  this  map  is  found,  llakluyt 
puts  in  the  margin,  opposite  the  passage  where  mention 
of  the  island  occurs  in  the  letter,  the  words  '"Claudia 
Ilande."  From  whatever  source  this  name  was  deiived 
by  them,  whether  from  Mercator  or -by  their  own  mis- 
take, both  Lok  and  llakluj't  here  indirectly  bear  their 
testimony  to  the  fact,  that  the  name  of  Luisia  was 
not  upon  the  old  map  given  to  Henry  VMII,  which  Lok 
ccmsulted,  and  llakluyt  described.  It  is  thus  to  be 
concluded  that  the  map  delivered  to  the  king  showed 
the  western  sea,  but  not  any  discoveries  of  Verrazzano 
on  the  Atlantic  coast. 

In  another  work,  as  yet  unpublished,  llakluyt 
affords  some  additional  information  in  regard  to  the 
old  map,  which  though  brief>  is  (juite  significant.  lie 
remarks  that  it  is  "a  mightie  large  olde  ma[)pt!  in  parch- 
ment, made  I i-'i  if  x/ii>ui(/  >w:7n])Y  V^errazamis,  now  in  the 


wm 


THE    VKRRAZANO    MAI' 


111 


cnstodie  of  Mr.  Michael  Locke ; "  and  he  spoaks  also 
of  an  "olde  excellent  y/obe  in  the  Queen  s  privic  <!;allory, 
at  Wejstm'r,  w'h  also  scemdh  to  be  of  Verrazanus  Uiak- 


ing 


"  1 


Both  the  map  and  the  glol)e  are  thus  men- 
tioned as  the 2>roba.hl('.  workniajiship  of  V'erra/.zano,  from 
which  it  is  probalile  that  thei-e  was  no  name  upon  them 
to  determine  that  t-juestion  positively.  The  great  size 
of  the  chart,  the  material  upon  which  it  was  made,  and 
the  authorship  of  the  map  and  globe  by  the  same  per- 
son, are  circumstances  which  go  to  prove  that  they 
were  both  the  work  of  a  prt)fessed  cosmographer,  and 
embraced  the  whole  world  ;  and  conse(jucntly  that  the 
map  was  not  a  chart  made  by  the  navigator,  showing 
his  discoveries,  but  possibly  the  map  of  llieronimo  in 
its  original  form.  The  construction  of  this  old  map, 
whoever  was  the  author,  is  fixed  certainly  be/ore  \  o'lO , 
by  the  statement  of  llakluyt,  that  it  was  presented  to 
Henry  VIIl  by  Verrazzano,  the  navigator,  inasmuch 
as  V\>rrazzano  came  to  his  death  in  1527.  The  Ver- 
razano  map,  in  its  present  phase,  not  claiming  to  have 
been  made  before  the  year  1529,  could  not,  therefore, 
have  furnished  the  original  representation  of  the  west- 
ern sea,  or  have  been  the  one  used  by  Lok. 

Hakluyt  adds  to  his  statement  that  Verrazzano  had 
been  three  times  on  the  coast  of  iVmiMnca,  which,  if 
true,  would  disprove  the  discovery  set  up  in  the  letter. 
That  document  alleges  that  the  coast  explored  by  him 

was  entirely  unknown  and  had  never  before  been  seen 

« 

by  (iwj  one  before  tiiat  voyage,  i'  nd  consequently'  not  by 
him  ;  and  that,  as  regards  the  residue  of  the  coast  north 


'  MS.  in  pi)8,ses8iou  of  i lie  Mtiine  Historical  Society,  cited  iu  3Ir.  Kolil't- 
Biscmery  of  Maine,  p.  291,  note. 


1J2 


VKHHAZZANO. 


of  t>{)"  N.,  the  PortugLioso  had  sailed  along  it  as  far  as 
the  Arctic  circle,  without  lindliig  any  termination  to 
tlie  land,  thus  giving  the  Portuguese  as  his  authority 
for  the  continuity  of  the  northern  part  of  the  coast, 
and  o\-cluding  himself  from  it.  It  is  thus  clearly  stated 
in  the  letter,  that  he  had  not  been  there  before.  It 
was  impossible^  that  he  could  have  consummated  two 
voyages  to  America,  and  another  to  England,  and 
made  his  court  to  the  king,  after  l'')24,  and  Ijefbre  his 
last  and  fatal  cruize  along  the  coast  of  Spain,  as  would 
have  been  necessary  to  ha^'e  been  done.  In  asserting 
that  Verrazzano  made  other  voyages  to  America,  liak- 
luyt  is  corroborated  by  the  ancient  manuscripts,  to 
which  the  author  of  the  memoirs  of  Dieppe  relers,  as 
mentioning  that  one  Jean  Vt'rassen  commanded  a 
ship  which  accompanied  that  of  Aubert  to  Newfound- 
land in  1508.*  It  is  possible,  tlierefore,  that  V'erraz- 
zano  made  three  voyages  to  Newfoundland,  and  was 
well  acquainted  with  that  portion  of  the  coast,  before 
hostilities  broke  out  between  Franc'is  1.  and  the 
emperor,  in  lo'ili;  at  which  time,  as  will  bc^  .'^een,  he 
entered  upon  his  course  of  privateering  ;  and  that  dur- 
ing the  time  Francis  was  a  prisoner  at  ^ladrid,  in 
1525-G,  and  the  state  of  war  accordingly  suspended, 
and  Verrazzano  thrown  out  of  employment,  he  visited 
England,  and  laid  before  the  king  a  scheme  of  search- 
ing for  the  northwest  passage  ;  a  project  which  Henry 
had  been  long  meditating,  as  may  be  gathered  from 

'  |)(>smiir(|iirts.  ^[i' itioli'Ci,  Chronolm/irjui'x  jionr  sinir  a  V  hiMuin  ile 
/>/<7./)C,  I.  100.  ('2  Vols  Paris,  1 TS,")  )  It  is  v.  oiliiy  ot  vcmiirk  tiiiit  tiiis 
imniiiist  sct'ins  tu  regtinl  Vrnissi'ii  ami  Vfriii/./iiiio  as  (till'cnMit  jkvsoiis, 
wliith  proves,  al  least,  thai  liis  tiiilliDrity  was  imlcpendijiit  nt'  any  niatter 
cuimeoti'il  with  the  Vtrraz/ano  claitu.  Tiiat  Ihcsc  nanus  really  n  late, 
liiiwever,  to  the  saiue  Ludividual, appears  I'ruiii  the  agreement  with  Chabot 


9m 


as  fur  as 
iition  to 
uthority 
le  ooa.st, 
\y  statcil 
fore.     It 
,ted  two 
Liid,  and 
iforo  his 
as  would 
isserting 
ca,  Ilak- 
ripts,  to 
t'flirs,  as 
a  ruled  a 
nvfound- 
\'erraz- 
11  id  was 
before 
md    the 
een,  lie 
lat  diir- 
drid,  in 
lended, 
vi.-^ited 
search - 
I  iltnry 
d  from 

If  iff  aire  de 
!li;it  tliis 

il     l>(VSOI19, 

my  niiitter 
iilly  rclaKi, 
111  Chahot 


THE   VKRKA.ZANO   MAP. 


113 


the  proposition  of  Wolsey  to  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1519, 
and  the  expedition  actually  sent  out  for  that  purpose 
by  that  monarch  under  John  Rut,  in  1027.'  It  is  evi- 
dent that  the  representation  of  the  western  sea,  upon 
the  map  given  to  the  king,  was  merely  conjectural  of 
its  existence  in  connection  with  the  supposed  strait, 
laid  down  upon  the  map,  according  to  Ilakluyt.  This 
explanation  will  serve  also  to  account  most  readily  for 
the  partial  knowledge  which  the  letter  exhibits,  in 
regard  to  the  customs  and  characteristics  of  the  Indians 
of  Cape  Breton,  which  might  have  been  collected  by  the 
writer,  from  the  journals  of  those  early  voyages  or 
other  notesof  Vcrrazzanoin  relation  totl.  ..i;  although 
the  same  information  was  obtainable  from  others  who 
had  made  similar  vo}ages  to  tliat  region,  I'roni  Nor- 
mandy and  Brittany. 

It  is  thus  established  by  the  same  testimony  which 
furnishes  the  map  of  Lok,  taken  in  conjunction  with 
its  own  teachings,  that  it  was  not  derived  from  the 
Verrazano  map  in  its  present  shape,  and  does  not 
represent  the  Verrazzano  discovery. 

The  oidy  evidence  of  the  existence  o'  the  Verra- 
zano map  in  any  cosmographical  production  whatever, 
book,  chart  or  globe,  so  far  as  known,  independently 
of  its  history  in  the  liorgiau  collection,  is  a  copper 
globe  found  by  the  late  Buckingham  Smith  in  Spain, 
a  i'ew  years  ago,  and  now  in  tlie  possession  of  the  New 
York  Historical  Society.  Tliis  globe  purports  to  have 
1)een    constructed    by    Euphrosynus   Ulpius  in  1542. 


'  Lfttcr  of  Contiirini,  the  Venetian  iimbassador  in  Spnin,  to  the  Council 
of  Ten.     See  ^V</c«(/'f/' '>/  Sinfe  J^ipviK   dr.  in    I >«/<•<■,  loSO-f!      Edited  by 
liawdon  Hiown.    No.  607.  Loudon,  18GU.     Purchas,  in.  p.  80'J. 
15 


114 


VERRAZZANO. 


Inscribed  upon  it,  in  a  separate  scroll,  is  a  dedication, 
in  these  words  :  "  Marcello  Cervine  S.  R.  E.  Presl)itero 
Cardinal!  D.D.  Rome."  Cervinus  had  l)ecn  archbishop 
of  Florence  and  was  afterwards  raised  from  the  cardi- 
nalate  to  the  pontificate  under  the  title  of  Marcellus  II. 
This  globe  represents  the  western  sea  in  the  same  form 
as  it  is  on  the  Verrazano  map,  and  contains  a  legend 
on  the  country  lying  between  the  isthmus  and  (.\ape 
IJreton,  in  these  words:  Verrazana  sivc  Nova  Gullla  a 
Vvrrazano  FIorenHno  Comperta  anno  s<d.  M.D.  In  all 
other  respects  itdillers  essentially  from  the  map  in  its 
description  of  the  coast.  Florida  and  Cape  Breton  are 
laid  down  in  their  true  positions,  and  the  isthmus 
occurs  at  the  parallel  of  33°  N.  latitude,  instead  of  41°. 
The  direction  of  the  coast,  between  the  two  points  just 
mentioned,  is  more  northerly,  and  the  length  of  it  con- 
sequently much  reduced.  The  names  along  the  coast, 
so  far  as  i\\f^  photogra})h  of  the  map  I'urnishos  the 
means  of  comparison,  are  entirely  different,  except 
that  I'iaggia  de  Calami  appears  north  of  the  isthmus. 
Dieppa  and  Livorno  are  not  found  upon  it.  But  the 
legend  aiTords  indubitable  evidence  that  the  maker  had 
consulted  the  i;iap.  The  name  of  Verrazana  applied 
to  the  land  is  found  no  where  else  so  applied,  except  on 
the  map.  But  the  incompleteness  in  which  the  date 
of  the  discovery  is  k'ft,  as  if  written  15 — ,  proves 
that  the  maker  was  unable  to  ascertain  it  fully  from 
his  authority  ;  the  map,  tiierefore,  must  have  been  his 
fii^-le  authority. 

As  to  the  authenticity  of  this  globe  there  is  no  other 

^'i'lence  than  that  it  has  the  appearance  of  an  old 

.  ,  „rument,    and  its  representations  generally  corre- 


THE  VERRAZANO   MAP, 


115 


ppond  with  the  state  of  geographical  knowledge  oi"  the 
period  of  its  date.'  Adopting  its  ov,  n  story  of  its  con- 
struction, it  proves  the  existence  of  the  Verrazano 
map,  with  the  Verrazzano  discoveries  upon  it,  and 
consequently  the  existence  of  the  claim  as  early  as  the 
year  1542. 

Tlie  other  references  to  a  Verrazzano  map,  prove 
nothing  on  the  sulyect  of  the  discoveries,  unless  the 
letter  of  Annibal  Caro,  which  alludes  to  discoveries  by 
the  brothers  Verrazzani,  in  connection  with  a  map,  be 
deemed  as  referring  to  them.  In  that  case,  1537 
would  be  the  earliest  mention  of  them  in  any  known 
publication.  Lok  and  Ilakluyt,  as  has  been  already 
seen,  clearly  do  not  refer  to  any  map  showing  the 
Verrazzano  discoveries.  The  period  of  the  fabrication 
of  the  letter  may  therefore,  possibly,  be  fixed  between 
1536  and  1542.  But  whether  this  period  be  properly 
deduced  or  not,  is  immaterial ;  since  in  no  event  can 
an  earlier  date  than  1529  be  assigned  by  any  evidence 
outside  of  the  letter,  for  the  existence  of  the  Verrazzano 
claim ;  which  year,  as  is  now  to  be  shown,  was  long 
after  the  coast  had  been  discovered  and  made  known 
U)  the  world  by  another. 


'  It  iHcasiires  forty-two  inclics  in'  circninfcrcnrp.  TTM.  Mag.  (New 
York^  18(12,  p.  203.  A  map  sliowing  so  niiicli  of  it  as  ruhitcs  to  Nortli 
America,  was  lithogr;',j)lie(l  lor  tlic  disserlaiiou  of  Mr.  Smith,  and  ia  here 
rcprodiKX'd. 


llo 


VERUAZZANO. 


TX. 


TiJE  Lktter  to  the  Kinu  founded  on  the  Discoveuies 
OF  Estkvan  Gomez.  The  History  of  Gomez  and  his 
Voyage.  The  PuuLrcATioN  of  his  Discoveries  in  Si'ain 
AND  Italy  before  the  Verrazzano  claim.  The  Voy- 
age  DESCRIBED   IN   THE   LeTTER  TRACED  TO  lilRERo's  MaI' 

of  THE  Discoveries  of  Gomez. 

In  the  proofs  adduced,  outside  oi'the  letter  addressed 
to  the  king,  no  direct  evidence  appears  in  regard  to  the 
discovery.  There  is  no  testimony  to  be  found  of 
any  one  who  took  part  in  the  setting  forth  or  equip- 
ment of  the  expedition,  or  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
voyage,  or  who  was  personally  cognizant  of  the  return 
of  the  Dauphiny.  No  chart  or  private  letter,  no  declar- 
ation or  statement  of  the  navigator,  in  regard  to  the 
extraordinary  discovery  achieved  by  him,  is  produced 
or  mentioned,  although  he  belonged  to  a  family  of 
some  note  in  Tuscany,  which  still  existed  in  the  pre- 
sent century.  In  tliis  respect,  Italy,  the  birth  place  and 
home  of  Verrazzano,  is  as  blank  and  barren  as  France. 
All  that  is  really  shown  of  any  pertinency  is  the  single 
circumstance,  that  possibly  the  claim  to  the  discovery 
was  advanced  in  Italy,  and  in  that  country  alone,  at  the 
time  of  the  construction  of  the  globe  of  Ulpius  in  1042, 
but  not  anterior  to  the  year  1529,  or  until  five  years 
after  the  event,  when,  according  to  the  Verrazano 
map,  if  that  be  accepted  as  genuine  in  its  present  form 


TIIK  LETTER  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  OF  ^.O^fEZ.  117 


and  the  most  favorable  construction  be  upon  its  am- 
biguous legend,  of  which   that  inscription  is  capable, 
the  claim  was  for  the  first  time  announced.     And  thus 
there  is  nothing  showing  that  the  letter  or  its  preten- 
sions were  known  before  the  last  named  .year,     in 
view  of  this  important  fact,  and    the  absence  of  any 
evidence  whatsoever  corroborative  of  the  letter  or  its 
contents,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  believe  that  the 
letter  was  an  attempt  to  appropriate  to  the  Florentine 
the  glory  which  l)elonged  to  Estevan  Gomez,  a  Portu- 
guese pilot,  who  actually  discovered  and  explored  this 
coast,  in  1525,  in  the  service  of  the  emperor,  Charles 
V,  and  whose  voyage  and  exploration  were  immedi- 
ately thereupon  made  known,  both  in  Spain  and  Italy. 
That  such,  indeed,  was  the  source  from  which  the 
Verrazzano  letter  was  derived  is  susceptible  of  demon- 
stration ;  and  for  that  purpose  some  account  of  the 
voyage  and  discoveries  of  Gomez  and  their  publication 
becomes  necessary. 

Gomez,  who  was  born  in  Oporto  and  reared  there  to 
a  sea-faring  life,  for  some  reason,  unexplained,  left 
Portugal  and  entered  into  the  Spanish  service,  in  which 
he  was  apjwinted  pilot  in  1518,  at  the  same  time  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  was  created  pilot  major  in  the  same 
service.  lie  proposed  immediately  to  the  king,  to  go 
in  search  of  a  new  route  to  the  Moluccas  or  Spice 
islands  recently  discovered  by  the  Portuguese,  and 
which,  he  aflirmed,  were  within  the  limits  assigned  to 
Spain  by  the  line  of  demarkation.  lie  exhibited  a  chart 
construct<id  by  him  showing  this  fact,'  from  which  it 
may  be  inferred  that  he  had  already  made  a  voyage  to 

'  f.'espedes,  Jiegimknto  (le  Navigfie.wn,  148. 


118 


VEKUAZZANO. 


those  islands.  The  wny  which  ho  proposed  tlieii  to  take 
is  not  mentioned.  At  tlie  same  Juncture  iMagellan  also 
arrived  in  Spain  and  tendered  his  services  to  lind  a 
new  route  to  the  Moluccas,  specifically  by  the  west,  as 
delineate(\on  a  globe  whi(.'h  he  produced.  Magellan 
prevailed  in  his  suit,  which  was  the  reason,  according 
to  Pigatetta,  the  historian  of  the  expedition,  that  the 
emperor  did  not  give  Gomez  any  caravels  to  discover 
new  lands. ^  It  is  to  be  inferrL'd,  therefore,  that  the  first 
route  proposed  by  Gomez  was  not  l)y  the  west.  Tlie 
fleet  of  Magellan  set  sail  on  his  expedition  in  September 
1519,  with  Gomez  as  chief  pilot,  an  arrungemeni  in- 
tended to  conciliate  .'md  combine  both  interests;  but 
it  was  not  a  happy  one.  Actuated,  it  is  charged,  by 
a  spirit  of  jealousy  and  a  desire  to  embarrass  Magellan 
and  render  his  voyage  abortive,  Gomez  at  the  very 
moment  that  success  was  assured,  and  the  lleet  was 
entering  the'  strait  which  led  into  the  Pacific,  aban- 
doned his  commander;  and  profiting  by  the  opportunity 
which  was  ollered  him  in  being  detached  by  Magellan 
with  the  San  Antonio,  one  of  the  ships,  to  make  a 
reconnoissance  in  another  direction,  joined  with  cer- 
tain mutineers,  seized  the  captain  of  that  vessel,  and 
returned  with  her  to  Spain,  arriving  there  in  March 
1521.  The  reasons  assigned  by  him  for  this  desertion 
of  the  expedition,  wore  the  severity  of  the  treatment 
of  the  crew  by  Magellan,  a  want  of  provisions  and  the 
unseaworthiness  of  the  San  Antonio,  lie  was,  how- 
ever, held  by  the  council  of  the  Indies  to  answer  to  any 
chargers  which  might  be  preferred  against  him  by 
Magellan  on  his  return,  and  in  the  meantime  his  pay 

'  I'liitfj  Vicifiio,  ;!S. 


TIIK  LKTTEli  FOCVDEI)  ON  TIIK  V'OVAHK  OF  OOMKZ.   110 


Till 


Wiis  S(MiuoHtorc(l  and  his  pr()[)C'rty  on  hoard  the  ship  ;it- 
ta(!lK'd.  In  Scptoinher  1522,  the  Victoria,  tlu?  only 
.ship  of  Magellan's  squadron  which  Huccecded  in  rcliiiii- 
ing  to  Spain,  arrived  with  the  news  of  Mag(dlan's  dis- 
covery, and  also  of  his  death  in  a  conHict  with  the 
natives  of  the  island  of  Tidore.  Upon  this  information 
proceedings  against  Gomez  were  discontinued  and  his 
property  released. 

The  success  of  Magellan  served  the  more  to  stimu- 
late! the  purpose  of  CJonKJZ  to  undertake  a  search  for 
the  same  object.  It  vux»  su[)posed  at  that  time,  by 
►Seltastian  Cabot  and  others,  that  the  northern  parts  of 
America  were  broken  up  into  islands,  but  nothing 
positively  was  known  in  relation  to  them,  except  in 
the  region  of  Newfoundland.  Between  that  country  and 
South  Carolina,  then  recently  di.scovered  by  the  joint 
expedition  of  the  licentiates,  all  was  unknown;  and 
it  was  considered  not  improbable  that  a  passage  might 
be  found  between  those  points,  through  to  Cathay  and 
the  Moluccas,  the  same  as  had  been  discovered  in  the 
south,  by  Magellan.  Gomez,  released  from  his  dis- 
abilities, renewed  his  application  to  the  emperor  for 
permission  to  prosedute  his  search,  proposing  now  to 
make  it  through  the  northern  seas;  and  on  the  27tli 
of  August  1523  a  cedule  was  made  to  that  effect  au- 
thorizing him  to  go  with  a  caravel  of  fifty  toneles  bur- 
den "  on  the  discovery  of  eastern  Cathay.^  In  conse- 
quence, however,  of  the  remonstrance  of  the  king  of 
Portugal  against  any  interference  with  his  rights  to 
the  Moluccas,  Charles  suspended  the  prosecution  of 
further  voyages  in   that  quarter   until  the    question 


llL-nera,  rii.  rv.  20.   The  cedule  is  still  o.\t;uit  in  lliciuiliives  at  Seville. 


1 20 


VKKHAZZANO. 


hIiouUI  Ik?  (l<'tormino(l  lo  wliifli  ol"  the  two  crowns  those 
iislaiidy  iH'lonfrt'd  by  virtue  of  tlie  pope's  deiiiareiition. 
The  voyage  ol'CJloiiK'Z,  niid  nUo  that  of"  Cabot  to  the  I^a 
Plata,  were  dehiyed  until  the  decision  of  tlie  junta  con- 
vened at  IJa(hijo8  by  the  twonioimrclis  for  the  purpose 
ol  making  this  <]etennination.  To  this  body  (jiomez, 
in  conjunction  with  Sebastian  (^'abot  and  Juan  Ves- 
pucci as  pilots,  and  Diego  Hibero  as  cartographer, 
was  attached, —  a  circumstance  which  shows  the  high 
estimation  in  which  his  nautical  knowledge  was  held. 
Its  proceedings  closed  in  May  1524,  too  hite  for 
(jomez  to  nndve  his  arrangements  to  leave  in  that 
year.  These  were  completed,  however,  in  February 
152'),  in  which  month  he  set  sail  from  Coruna, 
in  the  north  of  Spain,  in  a  single  caravel,  on  his 
voyage  ol"  discovery,'  Peter  Martyr,  after  mention- 
ing the  projjoscd  expedition  of  Sebastian  Cabot  to  the 
south,  thus  refers  in  July  1524,  to  that  of  Gomez  and 
its  destination.  "  It  is  also  decreed  that  one  Stephanus 
Gomez,  who  also  himselfe  is  a  skillful  navigator,  siial 
goe  another  way,  whereby,  betweene  the  Baccalaos  and 
Florida,  long  since  our  countries,  he  saith  he  will 
fnide  out  a  wave  to  Cataia :  one  6nely  shippe,  called 
a  Carvell,  is  furnished  for  him,  and  he  shall  have  no 
other  thing  in  charge  then  to  search  uu^  whether  any 
passage  to  the  groat  Chan,  from  out  the  diners  wind- 
ings and  vast  compassings  of  this  nui'  Ocean,  were  to 
be  founde."  * 

Gomez  commenced  his  exploration  on  the  coast  of 
South  Carolina,  and  in-oceeding  thence  northwardly, 
reached  the  Rio  tie  la  batltn,  where,  as  that  name  de- 


'  Navurroli!  iii.  171).     IVtei'  .Miirlyr,  Dec.  via.  8. 
'  l\tur  Marly r,  Dec.  vi.  10.  I-Jdcits  traun. 


TIIF.  LETTEll  FOITNDFD  ON  TIIK  VoYAHK  OF  OOMK/.  1 "- 1 


notes,  lit' corn incnoi'il  hi«  ivturri,  «)U  the  isliuid  ul'  ('sipe 
Hii'tuii.      lie  ('iirct'iiliy  obHt'ivcd  the  rivers,  oiipes  iuid 
hiiys,  which  occur  within  thoff  limits,  enterinj:;  the 
ChesiipenUe,     I)«'hiware,    Hudson    iiml    I'enobscot,    to 
w  hich  he  gave  nppropriato  names,  derived  IVoin  the 
eliiirch  calen(hir,  or  from  some  characteristic  of  the 
locality.      He  was  for  a  while  encoiu'a'red  to  believe, 
in  consecjuence  of  the  Lii'ciit   Hood  of  water  which  he 
found  issuing'  from   the    I'enobsi'ot,  or  IVio  ile   (iihikm, 
(Slag  river),  that  he  had  there  lallcn  upon  the  desiretl 
strait.     Though  unsuccessful  in  the  object  of  hissearch, 
he  nevertheless  accom[)lished  an  im[)ortant  service  ihv 
geographical    science,    in   determining    that   lu)    such 
passage  existe<l  within  the  region  he  had  sailed.   Tak- 
ing in  a   cargo   of  Indians   from    the   islands  of   the 
great  bay,  he  continued  his  course  to  the  south,  and 
running  along  the  coa.st  of  Florida,  returned  to  Spain 
by  way  of  (>uba.' 

The  authenticity  of  this  voyage  is  established  by 
Oviedo  and  Peter  Martyr  both  of  whom  were  eyewit- 
nesses of  the  Indians  which  Comez  brought  home  and 
exhibited  at  Toledo.  IJotii  of  these  writers  have  given 
short  accounts  of  the  voyage,  which,  as  it  was  not  suc- 
cessful in  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  undertakiMi  nnd 
}>roniised  no  returns  of  gold,  excited  no  public  attention. 
The  results  were,  however,  interesting  to  the  hydro- 
grai)hers  of  Spain,  Avho  soon  prepared  charts  ol'  the 
coast,    according    to    his    exploration,    among    which 


'  PeliT  Martyr,  y>tr,  VI.  c.  10.  IIoiivi'u,  iii.  viii.  8.  C'cspotlis,  JVi/zw 
Gciit'ml,  in  MS.  Cespodcs  was  cosiiiogniplicr  niajin'  oC  ilic  Imlics  in 
Si'villc  iinil  urolo  niiiny  trcogriii^liical  works  early  in  tiu'  scvcntcciuli 
(•(.ntury.  His  yi<l(irio  (iniK ml,  enitiriiclni;  ;i  liistory  of  liic  islands  of  Um; 
workl,  exists  in  llic  iliblioteca  Nacional  in  Mailriij. 

.    IG 


122 


VERRAZZANO. 


that  i!iii(l(.'  by  Diego  Jlihero,  Ui^suciate  of  (ioiiic/  at  the 
junta  of  Badajo.s,  and  royal  cosniographer,  willdeniand 
especial  attention. 

The  voyage  of  Gomez  and  what  he  had  accomplished 
became  immediately  known  to  tiie  world  at  large  by 
printed  publications.  He  arrived  home  on  his  return 
in  November  1525;  and  three  months  afterwards 
Oviedo  puljlished  his  first  work,  addressed  to  the 
emperoi-,  iu  which  he  makes  the  Ibllowing  brief  men- 
tion of  the  expedition. 

"  Shortly  after  tliat  yowr  Maicstio  cauic  to  the  citie  of  Toledo, 
there  arryved  in  the  uioiioth  of  November,  Stephen  Gomes  the  pylot 
who  the  yearo  before  of  1524  by  the  ijoniinandcnientof  yowreuiaiestie 
sayleil  to  the  Norttie  partem  and  t'ounde  a  yreate  parte  of  laude  ei)a- 
tinuate  from  tliat  which  is  caulcd  liaccaleoa  discoursynge  towarde 
the  West  to  the  XL,  and  xi,i  de^Tee,  fr(7>  whonse  he  brought  certeyne 
Indians,  of  the  whiehe  he  brought  sum  with  hyui  from  tliense  who 
are  yet  in  Toledo  at  this  present,  and  of  greater  stature  than  other 
of  the  firme  land  as  they  are  eommonlye.  Tl.oyr  coloure  is  much 
like  the  ntlier  of  the  iirme  lande.  They  are  great  arehors,  and  go 
couored  with  liie  skinnes  of  dyuers  beastes  both  wylde  and  t..  .e.  Iu 
this  lande  are  many  excellent  furres,  as  marterns,  sables  and  such 
other  ryt-h  furres,  of  the  which  the  sayde  pilot  brought  suninie  with 
liym  into  Spayne.  They  have  sylver  and  copper  and  certc^yne  other 
nK'talles.  They  ari  Idolaters  and  honoure  the  soonne  and  moone, 
and  are  seduced  wi  !i  suehe  s\iperstitions  and  erroura  as  are  they  of 
the  firme."  i 


The  details  of  tlie  exploration  appear  more  dis- 
tinctly upon  the  charts  which  the  royal  cosmographers 
at  Sc '  lie  prepared,  with  the  names  given  to  the 
prominent  points  of  the  coa.st.  Two  of  these  maps 
are  still  extant,  bearing  the  respective  dates  of  1527 


'  Ociah  dela  nutiiral/ii/^toiui  dc  /iis  LkUhh.  (Tdh'ilo,  lo  Feby,  15!2()), 
fol.  14;  and  under  tlie  tille  of  liihiehu,  Snniniii.,  p.  10,  in  Hareia's  Jh'i- 
tvr'jiil'iii'.s  /iriiiiiliriM,  idnw  r.  Ti'Mn>latcd  in  Kdcn's  Ihcaiksnf  (Iu  mm  irorlth , 
fol.  !ii;i-14. 


THE  LETTER  FOUNDED  OX  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ.  12') 


Inez  lit   tlie 
k'illdeinaud 

coinplished 

it  large  ])y 

his  return 

afterwards 

i5ed    to  the 

brief  meii- 


ie  of  Toledo, 
(ines  the  pylot 
^owreinaiu.'^tie 
ol'  la  lid  e  con- 
ynge  to'varde 
ught  cortevue 
II  tlieiise  who 
re  than  other 
oure  is  much 
•hers,  and  go 
and  ti.  ,e.  1  u 
jIcs  and  sueli 
■  suiiiiiie  witli 
•ert(!}'iie  other 
!  and  nioonc, 
s  are  they  of 


more  dis- 
iiographers 
en  to  tlie 
hese  nia[).s 
L's  of  15-! 7 

.">  Feby.  \r,2()), 
1   Utireia's  J/is. 

l/i(  lit  ir(  iriniih  , 


and  I'ViO,  tlie  first  by  an  anonymous  eartograplier,  and 
the  last  by  Ribero.'  The  whole  line  of  coast  from 
the  river  Jordan,  in  latitude  33°  10',  visited  by 
both  the  expeditions  of  Ay  Hon,  to  ('a])e  Breton,  is 
laid  down  upon  them  with  sufKeient  exactitude.  The 
natnes  indicate  the  exploration  to  have  been  made  by 
(lonioz  the  whole  distance  between  those  points;  for 
no  other  navigator  of  Spain,  in  the  language  of  which 
they  are  given,  had  sailed  within  those  limits  up  to  the 
time  these  maps  bear  date.  Theonly  question  which  has 
been  raised  in  this  regard  relates  to  the  expeditions  of 
Ayllon  ;  but  tlie  first  of  these,  a  joint  descent  upon  the 
coast  to  carry  off  Indians  in  1520  by  two  vessels  be- 
longing to  the  licentiates  Ayllon  and  Matienzo  of  St. 
Domingo,  proceeded  no  further  than  the  Jordan,  as  we 
learn  from  the  testimony  of  Pedro  de  Que  jo,  the  pilot 
of  Matienzo.'"^  The  expedition  which  Ayllon  made 
after>v'ards  in  1526,  in  person,  to  the  same  coast,  pro- 
ceeded directly  to  the  river  Jordan,  and  after  remain- 
ing there  a  ^(iw  days,  ran  southwesterly  along  the  coast 
to  Gualdape  or  St  Helena,  where  Ayllon  died,  ami 
from  whence  it  thereupon  immediately  returned  home 
to  St  Domingo,  without  any  further  attempt  at  ex- 
ploration.'' 


'  I'lilh  llit'se  iuii)..^,  SI)  i'ar!i>  tlit'v  relate  tu  Aiueriea,  have  been  reprnibu'eil , 
Aviili  very  vabiable  noli's  niid  illiistralions,  by  -Mr.  Kubl  in  IHc  Itidcw 
alt(K>en  <tfiifriil  Kurtfit  inii   .\mt:ril:i.    \Veiiiiar,  IHdO. 

"  ProceeiUni^s  before  Ibe  Aiiilit<irs  at  St  DonibiLCo,  ljy  virtue  ofa  /oyal 
decree,  of  Xov.  15'i."),  in  relation  to  tlu^  disptile  bet\ve(Mi  Ayllon  iniil 
Matienzo  eoneernini;:  their  disci  very,  preserved  in  .MS.  at  Scvilli;. 

■' Ovicilo,  toiii.  HI.  p.  (12 1.  I.Madrid,  iK.";;!,!  ^[r.  Ivobl  states  {Di.voirri/ 
I'f  .Vnii)< ,  :\i)7)  [\m\\  tlie  sliips  of  .Vyllun  made  an  extensive  survey  uftbe 
ciiasi,  imrl/i  iif  tile  Jordan,  snou  utter  tbcir  arii\al  in  liie  country,  [n  Ibis 
he  is  ill  error;  into  wliieb  be  aiipcars  io  bave  lieeii  iiiisliu  I  y  .N'avariile,  a 
[lait  of  whose  laiigiiagi'  he  ipioles  in  a  note,  asibat  ofOvicdo.    rsavarrcte, 


I 


124 


VEl{I{AZ/ANO. 


This  disii-stroius  exp('diti(j!i,  tlierclbro,  went  no  further 
nortli  than  the  Jordan  or  Santce.  It  demonstrated 
the  falsity  of  tlie  stories  told  to  i'eter  Martyr  by 
Francis,  the  Chicorane.  as  he  was  called,  one  of  the 
Indians  seized  in  the  first  expedition  and  taken  by  Ayl- 
lon  to  Spain,  of  the  vast  provinces  with  uncouth  names 
Avliich  were  upon  his  authority  transferred  to  tlie  royal 
cedule  granted  to  Ayllon  on  the  I'ith  June,  1523.^ 
That  region  remained  unknown,  therefore,  until  the 
vojage  of  Gomez,  and  to  it  and  it  alone  can  the  names 
on  these  maps,  within  the  limits  before  designated,  be 
attributed. 

These  maps  passed  at  once  into  Italy;  and  that  of 
Ribero,  bearing  the  date  of  1529  and  the  arms  of  the 
then  reigning  pontiff,  Clement  VII,  and  his  suc- 
cessors, the  most  finished  of  the  three  copies  known 
to  exist,  is  still  to  be  found  at  Rome,  and  is  rea- 
sonably supposed  to  have  been  the  original;  and  like 


ri'lVrriii:;  to  tlif  porlion  of'Ovicdo's  liistory,  nol  then  (l.'^'.J!))  [iiihlislird,  us 
his  lUilluiiity,  says  oil  tliis  point  tlial,  iil'ter  Iciiviiii;'  tlie  ii\(;r  .loi'ilau  llic 
sliijis  ofAyllDii  proceciled  to  GuaUliiiJC,  "  distanle  cuiuoiitii  o  cinctiCMita 
icgiias  maH  ul  iiorte"  dMaiU  forli/  or  fifty  Icdf/ites  inure  to  thi:  north; 
wlii-reas  tijc  Itingurtge  of  Oviedo,  us  (^ontainticl  in  tlic  recently  pubiisiu'd 
edition  of  his  woriv,  is,  "acordaron  de  yrse  a  poblar  hi  eosia  di'lante  In'iria 
hi  eosta  orr/denfdl,  e  fiiefon  a  un  grand  rio  (([uarenta  o  i|uarent!i  e  i;inc<) 
k'giias  d(^  aili,  poeas  mas  o  menos)  ([Uis  su  (li(,-c  Giialdapc,''  (ut  .siipi'a,  )). 
()\iS)  t/icy  (Kjrn'-d  to  go  and  nMk  the.  roaxt  further  on  toward-''  the  wextfonKt,and, 
ircnt  to  a  tarye  rieer.  (forty  or  forty-tire  kmi  tin*  from  that  place,  a  little  innrc 
or  len")  irhirh  in  e(dle(l  dua/dape.  'I'he  courso  of  tlie  coasc  at  llii'se  jxiints 
is  norllieast  and  soiitliwcst  A  westi'ily  course  was  tlierefore  to  llie  nouth 
and  not  to  the  nortli.  Besides,  Oviedo  slatesthat,  the  .Jordan  wasiii  lalitnde 
a:r  40'  and  thai  Gnaldape  was  the  eoiiniry  Ihroiigli  which  the  riv(,'r  St. 
Helena  ran,  wliiili  he  also  calls  the  river  o(  fJualda|)e,  and  which  in  another 
jiarlof  his  history  he  places  in  lalitnde.'iS  N.,  and  expressly  stalingthat  the 
Jordan  was  north  of  the  St.  Helena,  towards  Cajie  Trafalgar,  or  (Jape'  Fear 
(toin.  II.  p  Ml.)  .Ayllon,  therefore,  did  not  sail  north  of  the  Jordan, 
and  the  naines  on  ih<-  Miliero  map,  norili  o|  thai  river,  are  not  attrihut- 
al'li'  lo  his  expedition. 

'  r  .Mulvi.  Dec.  Ml.  c  '2;  Xavarrelc,  in.  \r>,l 


THE  LETTER  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ.  125 


)  further 
mst  rated 
irtvr  l)y 
e  of  the 
1  by  Ayl- 


tlie  last  decade  of  Peter  Martyr  in  1526,  which  men- 
tions the  discoveries  of  Gomez,  to  have  been  sent  to 
tlie  Holy  Father  at  his  desire,  in  order  to  keep  him  in- 
formed of  the  latest  discoveries.'     Other  copies  of  the 
Spanish  charts   showing  the  exploration    of  (jomez, 
found  their  way  intoltaly  about  the  same  time,  proving 
that  there  was  then  no  interdict  against  their  exporta- 
tion from  Spain  to  that  country,  at  least.'^     Thisappears 
by  a  volume  which  was  published  in  Venice  in  15H4 
under  the  auspices  of  Ramusio,''  embracing  a  summary 
of  the  general   history  of  the   West  Indies  by   Peter 
Martyr  and  a  translation  of  Oviedo's  natural  history 
of  the  Indies  of  152G,  containing  the  account  of  Gomez' 
voyage,  with  a  map  of  America  upon  which  the  dis- 
coveries of  Gomez  are  laid  down  the  same  as  upon  the 
Spanish  maps  of  1527  and  1529,  before  mentioned. 
The  following  colophon,  giving  the  origin  of  this  map, 
is  to  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  translation  of  Oviedo: 
•'  Printed  at  Venice,  in  the  month  of  December  1534. 
For  the  explanation  of  these   books   there   has   been 
made  an  universal  map  of  the  countries  of  all  the  West 
Indies,  together  with  a  special  map,  taken  from  two 
marine  charts  of  the  S^janiards,  one  of  which  belonged 
to  Don  Pietro  Martire.  Councillor  of  the  Royal  Council 


'  Noiirdlcn  Aniiiik'i  (If-'i  Vai/di/i-s.     Noiivclk' seiies,  tonu'  xxxv.      Aniu-e 
Ijo!?.    Tome  troisienie.     Paris.  Leu  I'iiix'h  gtiniriijihcit  ct  la  cartoijrnphk  tin 
Vdtiran.     Pur  U.  M.  'riioniiisscy.     Apiiciulix,  p.  275. 

''  In  n'gurd  Id  the  frct'dcim  which  the  charts  of  the  S])anish  iiaviuulnrs 
so  cnjoyeil  tlierc  is  ('ontirniatiirv  i>r<n)l  in  Raimisii).  In  tlio  pret'aei'  lo  his 
tliinl  voliiinc;,  dedicated  lo  Ins  IViend  Frneastur  of  Florence,  he  writes: 
"  All  the  literary  in(;ii  daily  inforiii  you  of  any  discoverj'  nnide  known  to 
Iheni  by  eai>tain  or  pilot  cominij;  from  those  p.irts,  and  amomi'  others  the 
aforesaid  Sig.  (Jon/.alu  (Oviedol  froni  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  w  ho  every 
year  visits  yon  oiici;  or  twice  with  some  new  made  chart." 

'  M.  d'Avi.'/.ac  in  linUctin  (U:  la  Sociclcdc  UnM/niii/iii  lor  .Inly  and  Anj;iisl 
is:-' 


12G 


VERRAZZANO, 


of  the  said  Indies,  and  was  made  by  the  pilot  and 
master  of  marine  charts,  Nino  Garzia  de  Loreno,  in 
Seville.  The  other  was  made  also  by  a  pilot  of  the 
majesty,  the  emperor,  in  Seville.  With  which  maps 
the  reader  can  inform  himself  of  the  whole  of  this  new 
world,  place  by  place,  the  same  as  if  he  had  been  there 
himself"  ^  The  special  map  here  referred  to  is  one  of 
llispaiiiola,  in  the  same  volume,  and  was  undoubtedly 
taken  I'rom  that  of  Nnno  Garcia,  in  the  possession  of 
Peter  Martyr.  It  was  therefore  made  in  or  before  the 
year  1526,  since  Martyr  died  in  that  year.  The  map 
of  America,  by  the  pilot  of  the  emperor  at  Seville,  was 
probably  the  anonymous  map  of  1527  before  men- 
tioned, as  it  appears  not  to  have  had  the  name  of 
the  author  upon  it.  These  facts  prove  at  least  that  the 
map  of  Ribero  was  in  Italy  in  the  year  1529,  and  that 
the  map  of  1527  may  have  been  there  before  that  year. 

It  was  from  the  delineation  of  the  coast  on  one  or 
other  of  these  two  maps,  which  are  in  that  respect 
almost  identically  the  same,  that  the  description  of  it 
in  the  Verrazzano  letter  was  derived.  This  will  now  be 
made  manifest  by  the  application  of  that  description  to 
the  map  of  Ribero,  so  much  of  which  as  is  necessary,  is 
here  reproduced  for  that  purpose. 

In  making  the  proof  thus  proposed,  it  is  to  be  borne 
in  mind  that  the  letter  is  positive  and  explicit  as  to 
the  extent  and  limits  of  the  discovery  or  exploration 
which  it  describes.  It  fixes  them  by  three  dilforent 
modes  which  prove  each  other  :  1.  Bygivingthe  latitude 

'  TiiiH  voliunc  li.is  110  ^('iici'iil  iUIl',  bill  coiilaiiis  llinie  books,  prima, 
sccoii.ili)  ((•  iiUiiai)  ik'Uii  /it.itoriddi:  I'  lit(li<'  Oi'ciih'utiili.  It  is  very  iiiicly  touiul 
with  I  Ik;  liirgo  iinii)  of  Aiiicrii'ii.  Wc  arc  inik-blt'd  lo  llic  kindness  olJiimcs 
iii'MoN,  Hsi].,  of  New  Vnik,  tor  tiic  iiso  ol'a  pj-iibct  copy  in  tiiis  respect. 


THE  LETTER  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ.  127 


of  the  conimeiiceiuent  and  term i nation  of  the  voyage 
along  the  coast ;  2.  ]}y  a  dechiration  in  two  diflerent 
forms  of  the  entire  distance  run,  and  o.  By  a  state- 
ment of  intermediate  courses  and  distances,  from  point 
to  point,  between  the  landfall  and  the  place  of  leav- 
ing the  coast,  separately,  making  in  the  aggregate  the 
whole  distance  named.  There  can  be  therefore  no 
mistake  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  writer  in  respect  of 
the  extent  of  the  exploraiion. 

As  to  its  limits  and  extent,  we  have  already  had 
occasion  to  quote  his  language  in  impressing  upon 
Francis  the  great  length  of  the  voyage ;  giving  both 
at  the  same  time  :  ''  In  the  voyage,"  he  says,  "  which 
we  made  by  order  of  your  majesty,  in  addition  to 
the  92  degrees  which  we  ran  towards  the  west  from 
our  point  of  departure,  before  we  reached  land  iii 
latitude  M,  we  have  to  count  300  laujues  wliidi  we 
ran  northeanlwardJy  and  400  nearly  eant,  aloiaj  the 
coast,  hejore  we  reached  the  b^th parallel  of  }iortli  latitude, 
the  point  Avherc  we  turned  our  course  from  the  shore 
towards  home."  This  distance  is  also  mentioned  in  the 
total  at  the  end  of  the  voyage,  where  he  says  :  "  find- 
ing our  provisions  and  naval  stores  nearly  exhausted, 
we  took  in  wood  and  water,  and  determined  to  return 
to  France,  having  discovered  700  leagues  of  unknown 
lands." 

The  several  courses  and  distances  run  are  described 
in  the  letter,  from  point  to  point,  as  follows  :  ^ 

First.     "  Wc  perceived   that   it  (the  land)   stretched  to 
the  south  and  coasted  ahitio;  in  tliat  direction  in  search  of 


'  The  translation  of  Dr.  ('(ii;s\v(H,  in  X.  Y.  IIckI.  (.'<jUicti<iiiii,  is  here  used, 
Koniewiial  conilcnsed. 


128 


VEllKAZ/ANO. 


some  port  in  which  we  might  come  to  anchor,  ami  exiimine      L. 
into   the  nature  of   the  country,  but  fur  j\flij   lewjups    we 
could  find  none  in  which  we  could  lie  Hccurely."  50 

Second.  "  Seeing  the  coast  still  stretched  to  the  south 
we  resolved  to  change  our  course  and  stand  to  the  north- 
ward, and  as  we  still  had  the  same  diffic-j'.ty,  we  drew  in 
with  the  land,  and  sent  a  boat  ashore.  Many  people,  who 
were  seen  coming  to  the  sea-side,  fled  at  our  approach.  We 
found  not  far  from  this  people  another.  This  country  is 
plentifully  supplied  with  lakes  and  ponds  of  running  water, 
and  being  iu  the  latitude  of  34,  the  air  is  salubrious,  pure 
and  temperate,  and  free  from  the  extremes  both  of  heat  ami 
cold.  We  set  sail  from  this  place  continuing  to  coast  along 
the  shore,  wlncii  we  i'l.'  i  Ptretuhing  out  to  the  west  (east?). 
While  at  anciior  <  '.     '  -ist,  there  being  no  harbor  to 

enter,  we  sent  tlu  I.  ..  u  shore  with  twenty-live  men  to 
obtain  water.  Departing  he/ice,  and  always  following  the 
shore,  which  streu';ed  to  t.he  w  r'h  we  came  in  the  space  of 
f'ffy  h'li'iuc!,,  to  ancihei  i,.t.d  >\u,jh  app^'ared  beautiful  and 
full  of  tlie  largest  forests.  50 

'riiinl.  "  After  having  remained  here  three  days  riding 
at  anchor  on  the  coast,  as  we  could  find  no  harbor  we 
determined  to  depart,  and  coast  along  the  shore  to  the 
norfhcufl.  After  proceeding  mie  hum/red  leci/ues,  we  found 
a  very  pleasant  situation  among  some  steep  hills  fhrow/h 
which  a  very  large  river,  deep  at  its  mouth  forced  its  way  to 
the  sea."  100 

Fourth.  '■  We  took  the  boat  and  entering  the  river  we 
found  tlie  country  on  its  banks  well  peopled.  All  of  a  sud- 
den a  violent  contrary  wind  blew  in  from  the  sea,  and 
forced  us  to  return  to  our  ship.  Weighing  anchor,  wo 
sailed  eifjhty  leatjiirs  towanh  /'v  easf,  as  the  coast  stretched 
in  that  dircctiou,  and  always  in  sight  of  it.  At  length  we 
discovered  un  island,  triangular  iu  form,  about  ten  leagues 
from  the  mainland.  We  gave  it  the  name  of  your  majesty's 
illustrious  mother."  80 

Fi/lh.  "  We  did  not  land  there,  as  the  weather  was  uu- 
favoriible,  but  proceeded  to  another  place,  Ji/teen  lea//ues 
distant  from  the  island,  where  we  found  a  very  excellent 
harbor.  It  looks  towards  the  south,  on  which  side  the  harbor 
is  half  a  league  broad.  Afterwards,  upon  entering  it,  the 
extent  between  the  east  and  the  north  is  twelve  leagues,  and 


TUE  LETTER  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ.  129 


then  enlarging  itself,  forms  a  very  hirje  hay,  twenty  leagues 

in  circumference."  15 

Sixth.  "  Having  supplied  ourselves  with  every  thing 
necessary,  on  the  8i.\th  of  May  we  departed  iVom  the  port 
and  sailed  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  keeping  so  close  to 
the  coast  as  ncvoj-  to  lose  it  Irona  our  sight.  We.  lUd  not 
stop  A>  land,  as  thn  weather  was  very  favorable  for  pursu- 
ing our  voyage,  and  the  country  presented  no  variety.  The 
shore  stretched  to  the  emt  "  15" 

Seventh.  '^^  AnH  fifty  leagues  beyond,  more  <o  the  north, 
where  we  found  a  more  elevated  eountry.  The  j)eople  were 
entirely  difl'erent  from  the  others  we  had  seen,  so  rude  and 
barbarous  that  we  were  unable  by  any  signs  we  could  make, 
to  hold  communication  with  them.  Against  their  will  we 
penetrated  two  or  three  leayues  into  the  interior  with  twenty- 
five  men."  50 

Klijhth.  "  Departing  from  thence  we  kept  along  the  coast, 
steering  between  east  and  north,  and  found  ihecuuntr)'  more 
pleasant  and  open.  Withi n  fifty  leayues  we  discovered  thirty 
two  islands,  all  near  the  mainland."  50 

Ninth.  "  We  had  no  intercourse  with  the  people.  After 
sailing  between  east  and  north  one  hundred  ami  fifty  ieajues 
more  we  determined  to  return  to  France,  having  discovered 
700  leagues  of  unknown  lands."  150 

Making  a  total  of  (595  L. 

Now  lot  the  reader  trace  for  hiin.solf,  these  courses 
and  distances,  as  shown  on  tlie  accompanjdni.;  .sketeli 
of  the  map  of  Ribero,  according  to  the  following  scale, 


I 


LeHgaes. 
60  lUO  IfiO 

...._,„,.   \ I 

10  de;,'iVi;B  ov  I.W!,  Icajiuca. 


\ 


representing  the  rneasurenifnts  in  the  letter ;  which 
are  calculated  on  the  basis  of  15.625  leagues  to  a  degree, 
while  thost;  on  the  map  are  17i  leagues;  and  he  will 
lind,  that  not  only  is  the  whole  littoritl  distance  be- 
tw(!en  the  parallels  of  -W  and  50'^  on  the  map  about 
seven  hundred  leagues,  but  that  thc^  se^'erai  courses  ;ind 

17 


130 


VKRUAZZANO. 


distances,  of  vvliioh  this  entire  diHtance  is  compoHod  nc- 
cordinji,-  to  the  letter,  correspond  with  simih-ir  divisions 
on  the  map,  proving  to  a  certainty  that  this  nwip 
was  the  source  from  which  ttie  line  of  coast  described 
in  th«?  letter  was  derived,  or  the  reverse. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  first  course,  beginning 
according  to  the  letter  at  the  landl;ill,in  latitude  o4  N., 
commences  on  the  map  a  little  north  of  G.  Traffalijor 
as  there  laid  down,  now  Cape  Fear,  and  proceeds  south- 
erly fifty  leagues  to  C.  de  S.  Roman. 

The  first  coursi;  Ijeing  retraced,  the  second,  also  of 
fifty  leagues,  starting  from  the  landfall  near  C.  Troffal- 
(jar,  extends  to  C.  <h  S.  Jium  of  the  map,  the  well 
known  point  of  Ilatteras. 

The  third,  runs  from  C.  de  iS.  Juan,  one  hundred 
leiigues  'nortlnnardhj,  to  the  Montana  verde,  the  Nave- 
sinks  at  the  mouth  of  the  IKu.  >jn,  "  described  as  the 
pleasant  situation  among  steep  hills,  through  which  a 
very  large  river  forced  its  way  into  the  sea."  The 
perfect  identitication  of  this  course  and  distance  luu 
already  been  observed. 

The  fourth  extends  easterly  from  the  Montana  verde 
eighty  leagues  and  strikes  the  islands  of  the  C.  <^ 
Muchas  y/las,  or  Cape  Cod,  where,  among  the  Eliza 
beth  islands,  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket,  tlu 
island  of  Louise  is  intended  by  the  letter  to  be  placed 
This  course,  easterly,  iixes  the  position  of  that  island 
at  this  point. 

The  Jift/i  course  and  distance  embrace  fifteen  leagues 
from  the  islands  of  C.  de  AIvc/hv  yllaf^,  but  the  directioi, 
is  not  stated,  and  is  left  to  be  inlerred  from  the  fact 
which  is  stilted  that  they  proceeded  on  to  another  place 


THE  LETTER  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ.  131 


where  they  onterod  a  Imrbor,  at  the  mouth  of  a  large 
bay  opening  between  north  and  east,  of  twelve  k!agues 
in,  width.  This  course  must  therefore  have  been  north- 
erly and  proceeded  along  the  easterly  shore  of  G.  de 
Mwhas  yllas  or  Cape  Cod. 

The  sixth  runs  easterly  from  the  harbor  on  the  C. 
de  Mwhas  yllas,  or  Cape  Cod,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  easterly  which  include  the  opening  of  the  great 
bay  of  twelve  leagues  and  proceeds  along  the  Arecifes 
or  C.  Sable  on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  t(j  the  Sar^ales, 
probably  Cape  Can  so  at  Chedabucto  bay,  lohere  the  coast 
trended  more  northerly. 

The  seventh,  from  the  Sargales,  fifty  leagues  more  to 
the  north,  extends  aloiur  the  tierra  de  los  Bretones  or 
island  of  C.  Breton  to  the  cape  of  that  name,  passing 
the  R.  de  la  hielta,  the  easterly  limit  of  the  voyage  of 
Gomez.  From  this  river  easterly  the  map  is  compiled, 
as  the  names  indicate,  from  Portuguese  charts. 

The  eifjhth,  from  C.  Breton  jl/ty  leagi/^s  between 
north  and  east,  runs  along  the  easterly  coast  of  the  tierra 
de  los  Bretones,  to  the  supposed  northerly  shore  of  the 
bay  between  that  land  and  the  tierra  de  los  Bacallaos 
or  Newfoundland,  but  in  reality  the  southerly  en- 
trance into  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

The  ninth,  from  the  termination  of  the  last  course, 
embraces  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  between  north 
and  east  along  the  coast  of  the  Ba('(dlaos  to  C.  Basso  or 
Cape  Race  and  thence  along  the  easterly  coast  of  the 
Bacallaos  to  the  Y.  de  Bacallaos  in  latitude  50°  N.,  the 
point  of  departure  from  the  coast,  and  making  the 
complement  of  695  leagues,  in  all. 

Such  exact  and  unexceptional  concurrence  in  the 


132 


VERRAZZANO. 


observation  of  distances  for  over  two  thousand  miles, 
as  this  oomparison  exhibits,  by  two  different  naviga- 
tors sailing  at  different  times,  under  different  eircmn- 
stances  of  wind  and  weather,  and  under  different  plans 
of  exploration,  is  impossible.  !So  far  as  regards  the 
distances  running  north  and  south,  such  an  agreement ' 
might  happen,  because  the  truth  in  that  direction  was 
ascertainable  by  any  one,  by  means  of  observations  of 
the  latitude  ;  but  not  as  regards  those  running  east  and 
west ;  for  these,  no  means  of  determining  them  existed, 
as  before  explained :  and  accordingly  on  the.Ribero 
map  they  are  grossly  incorrect.  From  the  Montana 
verde  to  the  C.  dt  Muchas  yllas,  that  is,  from  the  Hud- 
*  son  to  the  west  end  of  the  peninsula  of  Cape  Cod,  the 
distance  appears  to  be  eighty  leagues,  or  nearly  double 
its  true  length ;  while  the  width  of  the  great  bay 
between  the  C.  de  Muchas  yllas  and  the  Arecifes,  or 
from  Cape  Cod  to  Cape  Sable  is  shown  to  be  less  than 
twenty  leagues,  whereas  it  is  more  than  fifty.  And  so 
also  from  the  Arecifes  to  the  Sar^ales,  from  Cape  Sable 
to  Cape  Canso,  it  is  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  leagues 
on  the  map,  or  twice  the  actual  distance.  These  great 
errors  show  how  impossible  it  was  at  that  time  to 
calculate  longitudinal  distances  correctly.  But  two 
navigators,  sailing  independently  as  mentioned,  could 
not  have  fallen  into  these  errors  exactly  to  the  same  ex- 
tent, exaggerated  in  the  two  cases  by  the  same  excessive 
length,  and  in  the  other  by  the  same  extraordinary 
diminution.  Yet  in  the  particulars  just  described  the 
map  and  the  letter  correspond  precisely.  Such  a  coin- 
cidence of  mistakes,  could  not  have  been  accidental. 
One  of  these  documents  must,  therefore,  have  been 


^k^^tttUU 


^d^^i^^^ 


TIIK  t.ETTEU  FOUNDED  ON  THE  VOYAGE  oF  GOMEZ.  133 


the  source  of  the  other.  In  tL'tennining  hotween  them 
there  can  be  no  mistake  iji  adopting  an  the  original, 
that  one  which"  has  a  certain  and  indiH[)iitable  authen- 
ticity, and  rejecting  that  which  is  unsupported  by  any 
other  testimony.  The  voyage  i' Gomez  was  long  the 
subject  of  cobsideration  and  preparation,  and  was  her- 
alded to  the  world  for  months  before  it  was  under- 
taken. The  order  of  the -kin,"^  of  Spain  under  which 
it  was  made,  still  exists  in  the  archives  of  that 
kingdom.  The  results  of  the  expedition  were  an- 
nounced by  irredible  historiansof  the  country,  inunedi- 
ately  after  its  I'eturn  ;  and  the  iiautical  inlbrmation 
which  it  brought  back,  and  in  regard  to  which  ulone  it 
possessed  any  interest  at  the  time,  was  transferred  at 
once  to  the  marine  charts  of  the  nation.  Imperfectly  it 
is  true,  and  spx'ead  before  the  world.  The>e  charts  still 
remain  in  their  original  form,  as  they  were  then  ])re- 
pared.  With  these  incontrovertible  facts  to  sustain  it, 
the  discovery  of  Gomez  must  stand  as  established  in 
history  and,  consequently,  the  claim  of  Verrazzano 
must  fall.' 


'  Tlio  iiiiip  of  IJilioro  is  not  ;i  taillifnl  ivpn-si'iiliitioii  of  tlincxplorution  of 
OoiiU'/,  ill  luaiiy  rcspt'cls.  'lUflicrfu  </<:  Ai/llon  is  iiiiulc  to  cinliraccu  liiiiio 
portion  of  Uk;  country  tlic  coast  of  w liicli  was  discovered  by  Gome/.  Tlio 
ba)  of  Santa  Maria,  or  tlie  (Uiesapeiilce,  is  placed  two  degrees furtlicr  soiitJi 
than  it  siioiild  be,  tliat  is,  in  latitude  35^,  iiiHlead  of  37 '  N.  The  Ji.  (h  los 
(Jamog,  or  Penobscot,  mentioned  bj'  Ccsiiedes,  is  not  nanu-d  at  all  The 
iliiestion,  liowever,  of  its  greater  or  lc«.s  correcilness  is  of  no  imporlance  on 
the  present  occasion;  it  is  sulHeient  th;it  ii  wa.s  followed  by  tlie  writer  uf 
the  lutter,  (irroneoiis  as  it  was 


134 


VERRAZZANO. 


X. 


TiiK  Caukkr   of  Vkrrazzano.    An  Advrxtitrous   Likk 

AND    AN    iGNOMt.MOl'rf    DhJAiri.       CONCLUSION. 

Tlie  true  history  of  Verrazzano,  ho  far  as  known,  is 
now  to  bo  given,  in  order  to  make  a  final  disposition 
of  this  story.  Nothing  is  preserved  in  relation  to  his 
early  life.  Even  the  year  of  his  birth  is  matter  of 
conjecture,  lie  is  called  by  Kamusio,  Giovanni  da 
Vcrrazzauo,  Florentine;  and  according  to  Pelli,  was 
born  about  the  year  MS-"),  His  father  wiis  Pioro 
An^lre-a,  son  of  Bernardo,  the  son  of  ]>'jn>;.,ido  of  Vor- 
razzano,  a  little  town  situated  in  the  Val  di  Greve, 
near  Florence, — the  latter  Bernardo  having  belonged 
to  the  magistracy  of  the  priors  in  1400.  All  that  hi.s 
eulogist  was  enabled  to  gather  concerning  him,  l)eyond 
this  brief  genealogy,  is  taken  from  the  W'l-razzano 
letter  and  the  discourse  of  Ramnsio,  relating  liow  he 
was  killed,  roasted  and  devoured  by  the  savages  in  a 
second   voyage  to  America ;'  with  the  suggestion  of 

'  The  accouiil  whidi  Rainusio  aivt,-  of  Vorrazziiiio,  ami  tho  niiinnor  of 
liis  (Ifath,  ocunr.s  in  liis  Dineou mc  on  Lithnulor,  the  /idrciiliin.i  kmI  JS'i'w 
France  (vol.  ill.  I'ol.  417),  in  wliicli,  atti'f  rcfi'inng  to  the  (Joi lercacs  ami 
Sebastian  Cal)(>l,  he  atld^  ; 

"There  also  sailed  along  the  snid  land,  in  tiie  year  l.")04,  a  great  captain 
of  the  most  Christian  king  in  France,  called  Giovanni  da  Verra/zaiio,  a 
Florentine;  and  he  rau  along  all  llu^  eoast,  as  far  as  Florida,  as  will  l)c 
particularly  sceu  by  a  letter  of  his,  written  to  the  saiil  Iving,  which  alone 
we  have  been  uVdo  to  have,  because  the  otlu^rs  have  got  astray  in  the  troubles 
of  tlie  unl'ortunate  city  of  Florence.  And  in  the  last  voyage  wliich  ho 
made,  having  wished  to  descend  on  the  land  with  some  conijianions,  tlicy 
were  ail  put  to  death  l)y  tlio.se  i)eoj)le,  and  in  the  presence  of  tliose  who 
veniahiod  on  board  of  the  ship,  were  roasted  and  devoured    Siieli  a  vvretch(!fl 


TlIF    I,IFK    ANI>    DKATII    OF    VKKKAZZANO. 


135 


Coronclli,  the  Venetian  geographer,  that  the  phice 
where  lie  thus  met  his  death  wan  at  tlie  en  trance  of 
the  gnlf  ot'St.  Ijawrence.  The  .spuriouH  letter  of  Carli 
adds  that  he  had  been  in  Egypt,  Syria  and  niost'other 
parts  of  the  world.  The  ancient  manuscripts  of  Dieppe, 
08  we  have  seen,'  speak  of  one  of  his  name  who  ac- 

t'lid  hud  tills  vftliiint  }:cntl('iimn,  wlio,  hiul  not  tliis  inlHkirtune  intervened, 
iwMiliI,  by  llu' jt^rciit  l^iKiwIi-djiO  nnd  intcllifrf^ncc  wliicli  lir  imd  (irniiiritinii) 
iill'iurrt,  iind  i)f  lilt viiful ion,  ii(C()in|iiiiiii'(i  and  t'livoiircd  hy  the  inmicnHO 
iibciaiily  Dt'Kinu  l-'ninciH,  have  iliscovercd  and  made  known  to  the  world, 
nil  tliat  jiarl  ofllie  cartli,  up  to  llie  nortli  pol(;,  and  would  not  Imvo  hccii 
conuMited  with  the  const  merely,  hut  would  have  sou^jhi  to  penetrate  I'ar 
iidanil,  and  as  I'r  as*  lie  couhl  j.'o  ;  and  many,  wlio  havi-  known  and  eon- 
versed  w  iili  him,  have  told  me,  that  hi'  deilarctl  il  was  his  int(Mition  to 
Reek  to  persuiuUs  the  Most  ChriKtiim  Ivin;i  to  send  from  these  parts,  a  good 
number  of  people  to  M'ltle  in  some  places  of  said  coast  which  are  of  ten>- 
jiciate  climate,  and  very  fertile  soil,  with  very  beaulifid  rivers  and  harbors 
ca|)al>le  of  Iioldimj  any  lleets.  TIk!  settlers  in  these  jilaccs  would  be  the 
occasion  of  pri'iliicing  many  good  results,  and  amoiii;  otiiers  of  brii'igi:  l; 
those  rude  antl  ignorant  tribes  to  divii;c  worsliip,  and  to  our  most  holy 
faith,  and  to  show  them  how  to  cultivate  the  land,  trans|  urting  some  of 
the  animals  o(()ur  Europe  to  those  vast  [)laiiis;  aijd  tinally,  in  time,  luiv- 
ing  tliscovered  the  inland  parts,  and  seen  whether  among  the  many  islands 
existing  there,  any  passage  to  the  south  sen  exists,  or  wliellicr  the  muia 
land  of  Florida  or  the  West  Indies  continiit^s  up  to  the  pole.  This  and  so 
nuieli  is  what  has  been  related  of  this  so  brave  u  gentleman,  of  whose  toil 
and  sweat,  in  order  that  his  nu'inoiy  may  not  remain  buried,  and  his  name 
pass  into  oblivion,  we  have  desired  to  give  to  the  light  the  little  that  has  come 
into  our  hands." 

Ranuisio  here  distinctly  asserts  that  the  only  (jocuinenl  in  relation  to 
the  voyage  ol  Vcrrazzano  whicli  he  had  been  able  to  procure,  was  the 
letter  w  hieh  he  published  ;  but  he  inlorms  his  readers  that  he  had  been 
told  by  certain  persons  who  had  known  and  conversed  with  Verrazzano,' 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  navigator,  as  he  himself  declared,  to  seek 
jx'rmission  from  Francis  I,  his  adoiited  sovereign,  in  whose  service  il  is 
cl  linieii  lie  made  the  discovery,  to  make  aiiotiier  voyage  to  the  new  foiiml 
land  for  the  purposes  of  colonization  and  further  exploration  ;  and  lie  also 
states,  upmi  the  same  or  other  authority,  that  Verrazzano  on  another  voy- 
age was  killed  and  eaten,  by  the  natives  of  the  country.  Conse(|Uently, 
Verrazzano  must  have  made  a  second  voyage  to  America  and  obtained 
such  permission  from  the  king.  But  there  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  in 
existence,  apart  from  the  declarations  of  these  persons  to  Hamusio.  that 
any  such  permission  was  ever  given,  or  that  a  second  voyage  took  jilace. 
Il  iiroves  the  credulity  of  Kamusio  that  he  received  these  naked  statements 
^\itiioiit  any  e.\amiiialion.         • 

'  Autc,  p.  112,  nolc. 


13G 


"VTRRAZZANO. 


coinpaiiied  Aubert,  in  his  voyage  to  Newfoumlhind,  in 
15U8;  and  the  statement  of  llakluyt  before  referred 
to,  gives  some  ground  to  believe  that  he  was  employed 
in  early  voyages  to  that  region,  before  he  engaged  in 
his  operations  against  the  commerce  of  Spain. 

What  is  certainly  known  of  him  relates  almost  ex- 
clusively to  his  career  as  a  French  corsair,  during 
the  few  years  which  intervened  between  the  breaking 
out  of  hostilities  between  Francis  I  and  Charles  V, 
and  his  death,  in  1527.  His  cruises,  though  directed 
principally  against  the  Spaniards,  were  not  tender  of 
the  interests  of  Portugal;  and  it  is  accordingl}'  from 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  writers  and  documents  of  the , 
period,  that  the  little  information  that  exists  in  rela- 
tion to  him,  is  '^e rived.  He  is  called  by  the  former, 
Juan  Florin  or  Florentin,  or  simply,  the  Florentine, — 
the  French  corsair.  He  is  designated  on  an  occasion  to 
be  noted,  as  Juan  Florin  of  Dkppe}  They  appear  to 
have  known  him  by  no  other  name.  They  never  heard 
of  him  as  a  discoverer,  real  or  pretended,  of  new  coun- 
tries, -until  long  afterwards.  The  Verrazzano  letter  had 
not  been  published  when  Peter  Martyr,  Oviedo  and 
Gomara  wrote ;  and  when  Martyr  and  Gomara  make 
mention  of  him,  they  do  so  only  by  the  title  by  which 
he  was  designated  by  the  Spanish  sailors.  Tliere  was, 
therelbre,  no  ojjportuiiity  for  his  identification  l)y  them 
in  the  double  character  of  a  great  discoverer,  and  a 
corsair ;  and  it  was  not  until  many  years  after  the 
publication  of  the  Verrazzano  letter  that  this  identifi- 
cation was  first  declared  by  Barcia.^ 


'  On  till;  caplure  of  Uie  treasure  lleet.     8gu  Ajipi  ndU;  iv. 
'  Eiuuyo  Chmiwlor/ico.  sub  anno,  1534. 


THE    LIFE   AND   DEATH    (JF    VKRRAZZANO. 


137 


There  is  no  room,  however,  to  doubt  its  entire  cor- 
rectness. That  the  occupation  of  Verrazzano  was  that 
of  a  cruizer  on  the  seas,  is  not  only  declared  in  the 
letter  ascvibed  to  him,'  but  is  clearly  established  by 
the  agreement  made  by  him  with  Chabot.  Biisides,  * 
there  is  no  other  Giovanni,  a  Florentine,  known  in 
the  history  of  the  time,  sailing  in  that  capacity  under 
the  French  tlag  and  Irom  the  same  port  of  Dieppe  ;  and 
the  references  must  have  therefore  been  to  him  alone.  • 

The  appellation  of  corsair,  does  not  necessarily  imply 
a  pirate.  It  was  applicable  to  any  one  engaged  in 
the  capture  of  vessels  on  the  high  seas,  whether  author- 
ized to  do  so  or  not.  The  state  of  hostilities  between 
France  and  Spain,  protected  ^'^errazzano  under  the 
rules  of  war,  as  a  subject  of  Francis,  in  capturing 
Spanish  vessels,  as  long  as  it  continued  ;  and  the  an- 


'  Hiimiisio  gives  Verrazzano  tliis  clnvractcr  more  iliHliiiolly  than  it  appears 
in  tiie  orii,Mnal  version.  One  of  liis  lirst  allirulions  of  llie  text,  is  of  tlie 
passage  previously  referretl  to,  relatin:^  to  tin.'  ciuisc  of  llie  Xornianily  and 
DiU!|)liiny,  after  tlieir  repairs  iu  Brittany.  The  Carli  version  reads,  in 
connection  with  the  two  ships  on  that  occasion  :  dove  restaurnti  am  V.  8. 
M.  intern  il  di'<eors')  faccmo  ron  iptt/./e  nrmnte  in  ijuerra  per  li  Uti  di  Spugnu, 
V  it  is,  "  wheri!  lieinir  repaiied,  your  serine  majesty  nill  liav(^  understood 
we  made  l/ie  cruize  willi  f/u'njlai  of  (Car  along  the  coasts  of  Spain,"  from 
■which  it  is  to  be  implied  only,  that  ihe  cruize  was  for  the  purpose  of 
depredating  on  Spanish  commerce.  IJnt  Uamnsio,  as  became  liis  practice, 
with  this  document  at  least,  altered  this  clause  iwU),  dt>iv  jm  c/te  fnrono 
tiiciindo  il  liiKoijiii'  nici-^'ciiiti-  d'  hen  iiriiii:ij!ii<it<\  per  i  Uii  di  Spinjim  ce  u'und- 
iiiKtiKi  in  rori'ii,  il  r/ii  I'.  .]/.  hitnrn  inleao  per  il  pvojitto  clic  n<:  fdccniino ; 
which  Hakluyl  fairly  renders:  "  where,  after  we  had  rcf)aired  them  in  all 
points  as  was  needftdl,and  armedthem  very  well,  we  took  our  course  along 
by  the  <'oast  of  Spain,  which  your  .^lijrsly  shall  understand,  hi/  (In  prujit 
ire  reirind  llierehy."  As  this  cruize  aifordiug  to  the  date  of  the  letter  must 
have  taken  plac(!  in  io'itf,  lids  language,  which  is  Ilamusio's  own,  as  to  the 
profit,  would  seem  to  refer  almost  to  the  captiin!  by  Verra/zano  of  the 
treasure  sent  by  Cortes,  to  the  emperor  which  occmred  in  the  summer  of 
lliat  year,  as  heri'after  related;  but  Verrazzaiio's  Ueet  consisti'd  of  six  in- 
stead of  two  siiijis  on  that  occasion.  Tlie  wor(N  of  Kamusio,  show,  liow- 
ever,  that  he  knew  Verrazzano  was  a  rover,  in  search  )f  booty  on  thesea.s, 
or  at  least,  that  he  so  regarded  him. 

is 


1 


138 


VERRAZZANO. 


omalous  condition  of  afFairs  existing  at  that  time,  ac- 
cording to  the  Portuguese  historian,  Andrade,  of  pri- 
vate war  between  the  subjects  of  the  kings  of  France 
and  Portugal,  without  any  public  war  between  the 
•sovereigns,  would  seem  to  have  justified  him  in  similar 
acts  in  regard  to  the  commerce  of  the  Portuguese,  as 
long  as  the  practice  was  not  forbidden  by  the  kings  of 
the  two  countries. 

The  first  adventure  of  the  kind,  in  which  we  hear 
of  Verrazzano,  was  in  1521.  At' this  time  a  valuable 
commerce  had  grown  up  between  Spain  and  her  con- 
quests in  the  West  Indies,  and  large  amounts  in  gold, 
pearls,  sugar,  hides  and  other  articles  were  sent  home. 
A  ship,  on  her  way  from  Ilispjvnioia,  was  captured 
by  him,  in  the  year  just  mentioned,  having  on 
board  eightv  thousand  ducats  ii^  gold,  six  hundred 
pounds  weight — eight  ounces  to  the  pound,  of  pearls 
and  two  thousand  arrobas,  of  twenty-five  pounds  eaoh, 
of  sugar.'  In  the  following  year,  betook  possession  of 
seven  vessels  bound  from  Cadiz  to  the  Canary  islands, 
with  emigrants,  but  being  overhauled  off  the  point  of 
Gando,  by  vessels  sent  in  pursuit,  was  compelled  to 
relinquish  his  prizes.' 

He  is  next  found  apparently  meditating  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Portuguese  possessions  in  Brazil,  upon 
the  pretext  of  discovering  other  countries  in  the  east, 
which  that  nation  had  not  found.     The  mention  of 


'  PctiT  Martyr,  Dec  v.  c.  S,  F.pMobi  771  (cd.  1071).  In  this  letter  \vl\ii'li 
is  dated  at  VuUiuloUd  lOtli  November,  1522,  Martyr  writes :  "  Anno  quippo 
(^n\wv\i)vc  Florinu!*  (iriidnm  (hilhi>i  pinU(i  \v,\v\\n  unani  al)  Ilispanioia  ven- 
ienteiii,  anro  ad  suuiniam  oetofrinla  nillliinn  drairniarnm,  nnioniim  vero 
libris  oetuneialilnis  sexccniis  &  inhonnn  saoeari  duohus  niillit)iis  raimit." 

*  Don  liartiioiouie  Uareiii  del  Castillo  in  Ao/icuc^  tie  l>i  Inxlorui  de  Uat  Mas 
de  Vaiutria,  by  Dou  Joseph  de  Viera  y  Clavijo.    (Madrid  177^-84). 


THE  LIFE  AND  DEATH  OF  VERRAZZANO. 


139 


uguGse,  as 


this  project  is  positive,  and  becomes  curious  and  inter- 
esting in  the  history  of  his  life,  as  it  affords  the  only 
authentic  evidence  extant  of  any  suggestion  of  a  voy- 
age of  discovery,  contemplated  by  him  towards  Cathay. 
The  design,  if  really  entertained,  appears,  however,  to 
have  fallen  through  and  to  have  been  abandoned ;  but 
it  may,  nevertheless,  have  been  the  foundation  of  the 
story  of  the  alleged  voyage.  It  is  related  by  Francisco 
d'  Andrade,  in  his  Chronicle  of  John  III,  the  then 
reigning  king  of  Portugal.  After  referring  to  the  death 
of  Magellan,  as  an  event  which  removed  a  cause  of 
difference  between  the  crowns  of  Portugal  and  Castile, 
growing  out  of  the  famous  expedition  of  that  navigator, 
Andrade  thus  speaks  of  the  state  of  affairs  between  the 
crowns  of  France  and  Portugal. 

"  At  that  time,  the  kinj^  was  told  by  some  Portuguese,  doing 
business  in  France,  that  one  Joao  Varezano,  a  Florentine,  offered 
himself  to  Francis,  to  discover  other  kingdoms  in  the  East,  which 
the  Portuguese  had  not  found,  and  that  in  the  ports  of  Normandy 
a  fleet  was  being  made  ready  under  the  favor  of  the  admirals  of  the 
coast,  and  the  dissimulation  of  Francis,  to  colonize  the  land  of  Santa 
Cruz,  called  Brazil,  discovered  and  laid  down  by  the  Portuguese  in 
the  second  voyage  to  India.  This,  and  the  complaints  every  where 
made  of  the  injuries  inflicted  by  French  corsairs,  rendered  the  early 
attention  of  the  king  necessary. 

"  Accordingly  lie  sent  to  France  an  embassador,  Joao  da  Silveyra, 
son  of  FermTo  da  Silveyra,  who  delayed  his  going  no  longer  than 
was  necessary  to  get  ready.  The  purpose  of  his  mission  was  to  ask 
Francis,  inasmuch  as  there  never  had  been  war  between  them,  but 
rather  an  ancient  peace  and  friendship,  that  ho  would  give  orde'\> 
throughout  his  kingdom  for  the  many  robbeiies  and  injuries,  perpe- 
trated at  sea  on  each  other  by  tlio  Portuguese  and  French,  to  cease, 
(which  tacitly  was  a  private  and  not  an  open  war,  aa  in  general  they 
were  friends);  that  whatever  could  be  found  in  his  ports  taken  from 
the  Portuguese,  should  be  restored,  as  what  might  be  found  in  the 
harbors  of  Portugal,  taken  from  the  French,  should  bo  forthwith 
given  up,  and  that  to  all  who  should  ask  justice  in  this  particular 


140 


VERRAZZANO. 


it  should  be  rendered  iuiinediately  and  fully.  The  kinn;  then  re- 
quired Francis  likewise,  to  prevent  his  vessels  from  uiiiking  outfits 
to  go  to  parts  of  the  Portuguese  uoniiuest,  whither  it  was  not  law- 
ful for  even  Portuguese  vessels  to  sail  or  the  people  to  traffic. 

"  Joao  da  Silveyra  was  well  received  at  the  court  of  France;  but 
as  respects  the  specific  matters  of  negotiation  iu  his  charge,  he  was 
answered  every  way  indefinitely,  with  reasons  more  specious  than 
sound  which  appeared  to  be  given  notsouiueh  to  conclude  the  affairs 
upon  which  he  treated  as  to  procrastinate  and  consume  time. 

^  ^  ^T>  •t^  '1^  3(C  >fC  ^  *fC  f|t  J^t  JJt 

"  Joiio  da  Silveyra  continued  to  solicit  with  much  urgency  the 
matters  in  his  keeping  at  the  court  of  France,  and  received  answers 
respecting  them  according  as  the  matters  which  were  proposed  in 
Portugal,  [the  marriage  of  Carlota,  daughter  of  Francis,  with  the 
prince  Dom  Joao],  gave  hopes  of  advancement.  The  king  said 
through  one  Luys  Ilomem  that  he  greatly  desired  the  fostering  and 
increase  of  ancient  friendship.  Following  upon  that  in  a  few 
days  he  ordered  the  vessels  in  his  ports  preparing  for  India  to  be 
stopped,  stating  that  he  would  arrange  this  in  such  a  way  that  the 
king  should  be  satisfied.  Measures  were  adopted  for  the  restoration 
of  all  property  that  was  known  to  have  been  taken  from  the  king  or 
his  vessels,  and  expectations  were  entertained  of  an  order  making 
such  provision  throughout  as  should  put  a  stop  to  all  the  robberies 
and  the  evils  arising  froui  them.  Since  this  had  been  tlie  principal 
object  f(^r  which  the  embassador  had  been  sent  to  France,  it  appeared 
to  the  king  of  I'ortugal,  that  it  would  be  for  his  tervice  that  he 
should  order  the  return  of  Joao  da  Silveyra,  and  that  the  licentiate 
Pedro  Gomez  I'eixeira  with  Master  Diego  de  Gevoeya,  (to  whom  he 
likewise  wrote  of  this  matter)  should  demand  justice  respecting  cer- 
tain matters  of  his  property  and  r'.ssist  such  of  his  vessels  as  were 
seeking  it.  Hut  before  the  order  for  the  return  of  Silveyra  had  left 
this  court,  information  was  received  by  one  Jacome  Monteyrc  (who 
by  authority  of  the  king  of  France  sought  the  restitution  of  property) 
that  Francis  had  issued  new  orders,  commanding  the  general  secjues- 
tration  of  all  the  property  of  the  king  of  Portugal  and  of  his  people, 
the  embargo  of  all  his  vessels  to  be  found  in  the  ports  of  France, 
without  the  declaration  of  any  new  cause,  or  the  statement  of  any 
reason  for  this  order,  the  opposite  (»f  what  had  before  been  promul- 
gated. The  king  in  conse({uence,  directed  Jt)ao  da  Silveyra  to  take 
triithful  information  of  the  particulars  and  the  reasons  for  this  pro- 
ceeding and  commanded  his  presence  before  tlie  council,  to  make 
them  known. 


i<;  then  re- 

kiiig  outfits 
IS  not  law- 
■affic. 

Viiuce;  but 
rge,  he  was 
jcious  thau 
0  the  afiairs 
jme. 

irgency  the 
ed  answers 
)roposed  in 
?,  with  the 

iiing  said 
itering  and 

in  a  few 
ndia  to  be 
y  that  the 
restoration 
ho  king  or 
er  itiaiving 
!  robberies 
!  principal 
t appeared 
e  tiiat  he 

licentiate 

whom  lie 
;cting  cer- 
s  as  wore 
ra  had  left 
:yro  (who 

property) 
ral  se((ues- 
lis  people, 
f  France, 
nt  of  any 
proniul- 
•a  to  take 

this   pro- 

to  make 


THE   LIFE   AND   DEATH   OP  VERRAZZANO. 


141 


"  Following  this,  hostilities  having  been  declared  between  the 
kingdoms  and  seignories  of  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  France, 
they  watring  cruel  strife  by  land  and  sea,  the  French  with  an  arma- 
ment afloat  took  a  8pafiish  ship  with  gold,  belonging  to  the  emperor, 
within  the  limits  of  the  Portuguese  coast,  besides  much  property  of 
individuals,  regardless  of  where  she  had  been  found,  so  little  atten- 
tive were  they  in  those  times,  to  Portugal  and  Portuguese  ;  seized 
her  by  force  as  belonging  to  their  enemies,  and  carried  her  off,  as 
good  prize  of  war.  Pedro  Uatelho  was  sailing  the  while,  giving 
protection  to  the  coast  of  Portugal,  by  the  royal  order,  according  to 
the  ancient  custom  of  this  kingdom,  hold  always  to  be  useful  and 
necessary,  the  value  of  which  became  evident  from  what  occurred 
afterwards,  when  it  fell  into  disuse. 

"  The  captain  coming  out  one  morning  with  his  fleet,  near  those 
who  were  carrying  oh  the  ?!pauish  ship,  he  obliged  them  by  force  to 
take  in  sail,  as  thoy  hesitated  Uj  obey  for  some  time,  until  he  in- 
formed himself  of  what  had  passed.  Discovering  that  there  were 
some  doubts  and  that  deliberation  would  be  necessary  to  do  justice, 
he  brought  all  before  him  to  the  port  of  Lisbon,  where  the  prize 
was  sequestrated  and  they  made  prisoners,  and  the  case,  by  order  of 
the  king,  was  sent  to  the  Cami  i/a  Svpplicaram  wlicre  sentence  was 
pronounced  the  following  year.  This  news,  which  was  directly 
known  in  France,  made  great  change  in  the  order  of  afl'airs  with 
Portugal,  and  produced  the  state  tliey  were  afterwards  in,  during 
the  following  nine  consecutive  years  that  Jofio  da  Silveyra  was 
there,  in  which  time,  he  accomplished  nothing  he  had  in  hand,  ex- 
cept to  embargo  the  voyaije  of  the  Florentine,  of  which  mention  is 
made  before,  and  of  some  few  vessels  of  corsairs  which  was  but  sheer 
justice  to  us."  ' 

Tlio  time  when  those  propjiriitious  were  being  made 
by  V^errazzano,  is  more  definitely  fixed  by  a  despatch 
of  Silveira  to  the  Icing,  from  Paris  on  the  25th  of  April 
1523,  in  which  he  states  that  "Verazano"  had  not 
yet  left  for  Cathay.*     It  is  highly  probable,  therefore, 


'  Cmnii'tt  lie  mmjfo  alto,  emuyta jmlei'oso rey  di'ntcs  n'l/noH  de  Portugal  Dohi 
Juno  (>  i\]  di-itu  noiiui.  By  Francisco  d' Audrade.  Part  r,  c.  Hi  and*  14. 
(Lisbon  1013.) 

"  Sanlarcm  gives  the  date  of  this  despatch  as  of  tlv  23d  of  April  \'r22, 
QiKidni  liloncntnr,  lorn,  in,  sec.  xvr,  p.  Ki").  Hut  the;  Idler  of  ISilviiniwill 
be  found  in  full  in  till!  Ajipendix  (111)  from  t he  I'orliigncsc arch! vi's.  Saiilareni 


142 


VERRAZZANO. 


that  this  wliole  story  of  an  intended  voyage  of  dis- 
covery was  proposed  for  tlie  purpose  of  concealing  the 
real  object  of  the  preparations  which  were  going  on  in 
Normandy,  of  seizing  the  treasure  which  had  been 
sent  from  Mexico,  by  Cortes  to  the  emperor,  of  the 
successful  accomplishment  of  which  we  have  now  to 
speak. 

In  November,  1522,  a  vessel  arrived  in  Spain  which 
had  been  sent  from  Mexico,  by  the  conquistador  with 
the  emperor's  share  of  the  tribute  money  collected  in 
that  country,  in  the  special  charge  of  Alonzo  Davila 
and  Antonio  Quinones,  with  other  articles  of  value. 
Fearing  capture  by  the  French  corsairs,  this  vessel 
had  sailed  by  the  way  of  the  Azores,  and  leaving  the 
treasure,  with  its  custodians,  at  the  island  of  Santa 
Maria,  proceeded  on  without  it,  in  order  that  a  proper 
force  might  be  sent  to  that  island  to  bring  it  safely  to 
Spain.  Juan  Ribera,  the  secretary  of  Cortes,  came  in 
the  ship  to  Spain.  These  fjicts  appear  to  have  become 
notorious  immediately.  Peter  Martyr  mentions  them 
in  his  letter  of  the  17th  of  November  1522,  and  in  the 
fifth  of  his  decades,  written  while  the  treasure  was 
still  at  Santa  Maria,  speaks  of  the  French  having 
knowledge  of  its  being  left  there.  "I  know  not,"  he 
says,  "in  reference  to  the  ships  sent  there  for  it,  what 
flying  report  there  is  that  the  French  pirates  have 
understood  of  those  ships,  God  grant  them  good  suc- 
cesse."  ^     Three  caravels  were  despatched  from  Seville 


is  evidently  mistaken  as  to  the  year,  inasnuicli  as  the  news  of  Magellan's 
death,  to  which  Andnule  refers  as  a  prior  event,  did  not  reac.i  Spain  until 
Scptoniher  1523  and  Silveira's  appointment  as  embassador  was  alter  that 
news  was  received. 
'  Dec.  V.  c,  10.  (Lok's  trans.) 


THE   LIFE   AND   DEATH   OF   VERRAZZANO. 


143 


to  Santa  Maria,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Dom- 
ingo Alonzo,  arrivin!^  there  on  the  15th  of  May  1523. 
Davila  and  Quinones  immediately  embarked  in  them, 
with  the  treasure,  sailing  directly  to  Spain.  Mean- 
while, V'errazzano  proceeded  with  six  vessels  towards 
Cape  St.  Vincent,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  them, 
which  he  succeeded  in  doing,  within  ten  leagues  of 
that  cape.  After  a  sharp  encounter,  in  which  Quiuones 
was  killed,  he  captured  two  of  them,  in  one  of  which 
Davila  was  taken  with  the  gold,  and  the  other  most 
valuable  articles.  The  third  caravel  escaped,  and 
arrived  in  Spain,  with  a  tiger  and  various  articles  of 
rich  manufacture,  which  had  belonged  to  Montezuma. 
A''erraz7,ano  took  his  prizes  into  Rochelle.  The  value 
of  the  treasure  and  articles  taken  was  estimated  at 
more  than  six  hundred  thousand  ducats,  or  one  million 
and  a  half  of  dollars.  ^ 

These  facts  at  least  establish  that  Joiio  Verazano 
mentioned  by  the  Portuguse,  Andrade  and  Silveira, 
.was  the  same  person  who  made  the  capture  of  the 
treasure  ships ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  two 
different  Florentines  of  the  name  of  Giovanni,  were  in 
command  of  French  fleets,  at  the  same  time,  belonging 
to  the  ports  of  Normandy  alone ;  and  consequently 
that  Verrazzano,  our  navigator,  and  Juan  Florin  the 
corsair  were  one.  liut  how  I'ar  the  seizure  of  the  treas- 
ure ships  was,  as  before  suggested,  the  original  pur- 


'  Peler  Jlartyr,  Dee.  v.  c.  8.  EpUt.  771,  Nov.  19, 1523,  auU  779,  Juno,  11, 
l.'53:i(ecl.  1G70)'  llenera, /)«'.  in.  lib.  iv  c  20.  Letter  of  Davila  to  the 
■  'inijeror  tV.mi  Uochtllc,  .luiic!  17,  1023,  in  tlic  aicliives  at  Seville,  now 
first  publislicd  in  the  ApiJendi.K  (tv),  ^i!irt3'r  .sa3'H  tliere  were  two  sliips, 
the  larger  of  wliich  m\\y.  coiiUiining  tlie  treasure  fell  intr)  Ihi;  hands  of  John 
Florin,  the  Freueii  pirate,  and  the  other  escaped ;  iKit  Davila  must  l)e  riglit. 


141 


VERKAZZANO. 


pose  of  the  fleet  can  only  bo  inferred  from  the  circum- 
stances, and  is  important  only  in  connection  with  the 
dcwjn  of  a  voyage  of  discovery.  IJetween  the  time  of 
the  arrival  of  Kibera  with  the  information  that  the 
treasure  had  been  left  at  the  Azores,  and  the  sending  * 
of  the  caravels  to  bring  it  to  Spain,  nearly  six  months 
elapsed.  Taking  the  dates,  which,  are  established  by 
the  ollicial  documents  now  produced,  of  the  fitting  out 
of  the  fleet  in  Normandy  by  Verraz/ano  and  the  actual 
capture  of  the  two  caravels,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
real  purpose  of  those  preparations  from  the  first,  might 
have  been  to  eflect  the  capture  of  the  treasure.  The 
transmission  of  the  news  to  Portugal  of  an  intended 
voyage  to  Brazil  and  the  sending  of  instructions  to  the 
embassador  at^  the  French  court  could  all  have  taken 
place  after  the  detention  of  the  treasure  at  Santa  Maria 
became  known  in  France  and  the  fitting  out  of  the  ves- 
sels for  its  capture  had  begun  to  be  made.  It  is  stated  by 
Andrade  that  it  was  at  a  port  in  Normandy  where  the 
vessels  were  being  made  ready ;  and  it  is  to  be  presumed, 
from  the  connection  of  Verrazzano  with  Jean  Ango,  as 
shown  subsequently  by  the  agreement  with  Chabot  for 
a  like  purpose,  that  it  was  from  Dieppe,  and  probably 
at  tlie  expense  of  that  fich  merchant,  who  we  are  told 
was  enabled  to  entertain  his  sovereign  with  princely 
magnificence  and  to  embargo  the  port  of  Lisbon,  with 
a  fleet  of  his  own,"^  that  they  sailed  on  this  occasion. 

Verrazzano  is  certainly  found  at  Kochelle  on  the  16th 
of  June,  1523,  two  months  after  the  despatch  of  Silveira 


'  According  to  Uie  letter  of  Silveira,  be  was  at  Poissy  ou  Christmas,  and 
AndradiMvas  ihen^Corc,  prdbuttly  in  error  in  slating  that  lie  luid  liisinslruc- 
tiohs  in  ituard  to  Viiixzano  l)etiMe  lie  Icll  l\)rtugal. 

'•'  Man.  t'hrou.  de  DUitpc.     i.  lOti-lll. 


THE   LIFE   AND   DEATH   OF    VKRHAZZANO. 


145 


was  written,  with  his  prizes  captured  on  a  different  ex- 
jjfdition  from  that  mentioned  by  the  ambassador.  It  is 
evident,  therefore,  that  the  project  of  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery to  Cathay,  if  ever  seriously  entertained,  had  at 
that  time  been  abandoned ;  as  may  also  be  inferred 
irom  the  statement  of  Andrade,  that  Silveira,  in  the 
nine  years  he  was  at  the  court  of  France,  succ(^eded 
only  in  embargoing  the  voyage  of  the  Florentine,  and 
accomplishing  some  minor  matters.' 

J5ut  the  question  of  any  such  voyage  of  discovery 
liaving  been  made  at  the  time  claimed  in  the  Verraz- 
/ano  letter  is  effectually  set  at  rest  by  the  fact  that 
Verrazzano  was  then  actually  engaged  in  a  corsairial 
enterprise  elsewhere.  Peter  Martyr,  in  an  epistle  writ- 
ten on  the  3d  of  August  1524,  less  than  a  month  after 
the  alleged  return  of  Verrazzano  to  Dieppe  from  his 
voyage  of  discovery,  wrote  from  Valladolid  that  "a 
courier  of  the  king  of  Portugal  had  arrived  (with  word) 
that  iiorin,  tJie  French  pirate,  had  captured  a  ship  of 
*his  king  on  her  way  from  the  Indies,  with  a  cargo 
valued  at  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  ducats."^ 
It  is  impossible  for  Verrazzano  to  Jiave  been  on  the  coast 
of  North  America,  or  on  his  return  from  Newfoundland 
to  France,  and  at  the  same  time  to  iiave  taken  a  ship 
on  her  way  from  the  Indies  to  Portugal,  coming  as 
she  must  have  done,  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

The  defeat  of  Francis  I  at  the  battle  of  Pavia  and 
his  capture  and  detention  in  Spain  during  the  year 


'  The  document  accon\i)anying  the  k'tter  of  Dfivila  in  the  archives,  de- 
scribes Juan  Florin  as  of  I)iepi>e,  and  thi'.'<  tixes  tlio  seat  of  his  oiKiratioiis 
iu  Nonnandy.    See  Ajuieudix,  (iv.  2.) 

■'  Epist.  800  (ed.  1670>. 


146 


VERRAZZANO. 


1525,  seem  to  have  suHpeiuled  the  dcpredutiuiis  upon 
the  seas  by  the  French,  and  nothing  more  occurs  relat- 
ing to  Verrazzano,  until  after  the  release  of  the  king, 
in  the  following  year,  <ind  then  in  an  adventure  which 
Hceras  to  have  cost  him  his  life,  unless  his  probable 
appearance  in  England  as  mentioned  by  Ilakluyt,  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  made,  be  an  excep- 
tion. Allusion  has  also  been  made  several  times  to 
an  agreement  between  Chabot,  admiral  of  France, 
and  others,  including  Verrazzano,  which  now  assumes 
particular  im[)ortance.  It  is  the  only  document  yet 
produced  in  France,  relating  to  him,  and  is  of  recent 
discovery.'  By  this  agreement  it  was  stipulated  that 
( Jhabot,  as  admiral  of  France,  should  furnish  two  gal- 
leons, Jean  Ango  one  ship,  and  Verrazzano  two  pilots 
besides  himself,  and  that  the  three  persons  here  named 
should  with  Guillaume  Preudhomme,  general  of  Nor- 
manily,  Pierre  Deapinolles  and  Jacques  Boursier,  in 
different  specified  amounts  each,  make  up  the  sum  of 
twenty  thousand  pounds  in  Tours  currency  for  the* 
expenses,  on  joint  account,  of  a  voyage  to  the  Indies 
for  spices, —  the  admiral  and  Ango,  however,  to  have 
one-fourth  of  all  the  merchandi.se  returned,  for  the  use 
of  the  vessels,  and  Verrazzano  to  have  one-sixth  of  the 
remaining  three-fourths,  for  his*cOmpensation  and  that 
of  his  two  pilots.  The  contract  contained  auothei*  pro- 
vision, that  if  any  booty  should  be  taken  on  the  sea 
from  the  Moors,  or  other  enemies  of  the  taith  and  the 
king,  the  admiral  should  lirst  take  a  tenth  of  it  and  the 
remainder  should  be  divided  as  stipulated  in  regard  to 


(II). 


Margry,  Lf»  Navigations  /VrtJifrttsw,  p.  VM.  (Paris,  16T,)  Sec  Appendix 


THE   LIFE    AND   DEATH   OP   VERHAZZANO. 


147 


icc  Appendix 


the  merohiiiuli.so,  except  such  part  as  slioiild,  upon  ad- 
visement, be  given  to  the  crew.  The  admiral  was 
to  have  letters  patcmt  expedited  from  the  king  ^ior 
permission  to  make  the  voyage.  This  paper  has  no 
date,  but  as  it  was  made  by  Chabot,  in  his  ollicial 
capacity,  as  admiral  of  France,  it  could  not  have  been 
earlier  than  March  152G,  when,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
was  so  created.  It  belongs,  therefore,  either  to  that  or 
the  following  year,  judging  from  the  fatal  conseiiuences 
which  happened  to  Verra/zano  in  the  latter. 

Although  a  voyage  from  France  to  the  Indies  for 
spices  was  not  an  im[)robable  venture  at  that  time, 
inasmuch  as  one  was  actually  made  from  Dieppe,  two 
years  afterwards,  by  Jean  Parmt'iitie)'  in  the  service  of 
Ango,  there  is  every  reason  to  Ixdieve  that  such  was 
not  the  real  object  of  the  parties  to  this  agreement. 
One  of  the  stipulations  between  them  was  for  a  divi- 
sion of  booty,  sliowing  an  intention  to  make  captures  on 
the  sea.  Who  were  tlw  enemies  of  the  king  from 
whom  it  was  to  be  taken  is  not  stated.  By  the  treaty 
of  Madrid,  in  January  152G,  peace  existed  between 
France  and  Spain,  and  any  expedition  from  one  of  them 
against  the  connnerce  of  the  other,  was  tdearly  pirati- 
cal. Neither  did  war  exist  at  this  time,  between  France 
and  Portugal.  Yet  it  appears  that  both  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Portuguese,  were  searching  for  Verrazzano  at 
the  time,  when  the  former  succeeded  in  capturing  him, 
in  September  or  October  1527.  He  had,  therefore, 
not  sailed  to  the  Indies  and  must  have  made  himself 
obnoxious  to  those  nations,  by  fresh  depredations  upon 
their  vessels.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  gives  an  account  of  his 
capture  and  execution,  states  that  he  was  acituaJly  so 


148 


VERIUZZANO. 


oiigii<^'0(].'  It  ai)p«'ars  f'roin  \hv  letters  of  tlic  juJgo  wIkj 
isuperintt'iiik'd  lils  execution  that  he  was  then  encount- 
ered by  kIx  Discayan  galleona  and  ships, and  al'ter  battle, 
captured  and  taken  by  them  to  Cadiz,  with  his  crew, 
consistinjL!^  of  om;  hundred  and  twenty  or  tiiirty  persons, 
besides  several  gentlemen  adventurers.  Verraz/.ano 
ofiered  his  captors  thirty  thousand  ducats  to  be  re- 
leased, but  in  vain,  lie  was  sent  under  guard  with 
.  the  adventurers  to  Madrid,  but  was  overtaken  on  the 
way  at  Colmenar  near  Puerto  del  Pico,  villages  between 
Salamancii  and  I'oledo,"  by  the  judge  of  (Jadiz  with  an 
ord(!r  made  by  the  emperor  at  Lernia  on  the  13th  of 
October  1527,  by  virtue  of  which  ho.  was  there  put  to 
death  in  November  of  that  year.  Such  was  the  ter- 
mination of  the  career  of  this  bold  man,  which  was  long 
ago  substantially  told  by  Bernai  Diaz  and  Barcia,  but 
so  loosely  in  regard  to  dates,  as  to  have  created  doubts 
as  to  their  correctness,  but  which  is  established  by  the 
documents  existing- in  the  archives  at  Simaucas,  now 
broURlit  to  lisht." 


'  Ilistoria  nenlaikra,  fol.  Kit. 

'  Blacii,  Ufriusi/iic  Castilw  mroa  datcri'ptio.     Martinierp,  IHctionairc  Geo- 
</rn]ifnijiii',  ti'ih  Colmi-nar  el.  Pico. 

'  Set'  llif  loiter  <it  Uic  jii(l;i;c  of  C'adi/,,  in  tlie  Appendix  (v.  i.)  Uarcia,  in  liia 
Clironoloifjcal  Essay,  nicnllons  Uk  capluir  and  execution  of  Juan  tiio 
Florentine  as  a  pirate  under  tlie  year  1534.  He  du'S  not  .stale  that  they 
took  place  in  that  year,  but  refers  to  them  in  connection  with  the  discover- 
ies allej^a'tl  to  have  been  made  in  that  year  by  Verrazzano,  whom  he  identi- 
fies as  the  corsair.  It  has  been  supposed,  conseq'iently,  that  he  meant  tliat 
year  as  the  timeof  Verrazzano's  death  ;  and  hence,  inasmuch  as  Verrazzai  ■> 
wa.s  known  to  have  been  alive  after  tliat  year,  that  the  whole  stoi' 
an  error.  The  letters  of  Juan  de  Giles,  the  resident  judge  of  Cat; 
pendcd  to  this  memoir,  enable  us  to  lix  the  date  of  his  cxecuti.  .ir 
althoui;h  not  dated  tliemselves,  they  contain  a  reference  to  the  date  m  Jio 
cedule,  onlcring  the  execution,  by  which  it  can  be  determined.  Hiles  men- 
tions tliat  this  cedule  was  dated  at  Ltrma,  on  the  Voth  of  last  monl/i,  show- 
intc  that  it  was  unidc  there  on  llie  13lh  of  some  month.  According  to  the 
1  lineraiy  of  Charles  V,  kept  by  his  private  secretary, Vandernessc,  containing 


•  t 


iiilgo  who 
1  oiicount- 
tor  biittle, 
h'lH  crew, 
y  jiersons, 
errazzano 
to  be  re- 
tard witli 
3n  on  the 
s  })ctween 
iz  with  an 

0  13th  of 
ire  put  to 
18  the  ter- 

1  was  lojig 
larcia,  but 
:ed  doul)t8 
od  by  the 
ucas,  now 


"tionaire  (Ito- 

JJa rein,  ill  liirt 

of  Juiiii  tliu 

ale  that  they 

the  (liscovor- 

)ni  ht'idcnli- 

('  iiicaut  tliat 

s  Vcit;iz/.;i     > 

)lo  stoi- 

f  Ca*i 

\(<;utii  <i 

r  date  o,  ifiR 
'Ules  men- 
•rwn/h,  show- 
onling  1(1  the 
<',('<iiilaiiuni' 


THE   LIFE    AND    DEATH    OF   VERRAZZANO. 


140 


And  thus  finally  the  te.stiniony,  upon  which  the  tale 
of  discovery  was  credited  and  proclaimed  to  the  world, 
is  contradicted  and  disproved.  The  ntatenient  that 
Verra/zano  and  a  member  of  his  crew  were  killed  and 
then  feasted  upon  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  coast  which 
he  had  visited  a  second  time,  has  no  support  or  con- 
firmation in  the  history  of  that  rude  and  uncivilized 
people ;  for,  however  savage  and  cruel  they  were 
towards  their  enemies,  or,  under  provocation,  towards 
strangers,  no  authenticated  instance  of  their  canibal- 
ism  has  ever  been  produced ;  but  on  the  contrary  the 
testimony  of  the  best  authorities,  is  that  they  were 
guiltless  of  any  such  horrid  practice.  Yet  that  state- 
ment was  a  part  of  the  information  which  Kaniusio  re- 
ceived and  communicated  to  his  readers  at  the  same 
time  with  the  Verrazzano  letter;  and  constituted  a 
part  of  the  evidence  upon  which  he  relied.  How  utterly 
false  it  was  is  shown  by  the  agreement  with  Chabot 
and  the  capture  and  execution  of  Verrazzano  by  the 
Spaniards.  It  is  now  seen  how  the  credulity  of  the 
historian  was  imposed  upon,  and  he  was  led  by  actual 


an  account  of  the  emperor's  joiirnoys  from  tlie  year  1519  to  1551,  Charles 
went  to  Lcmia,  a  small  town  in  Old  Castile,  for  the  first  limc^  on  the  ittli 
of  May,  l.T^I,  and  reluriKd  tlicnce  to  Biirji^os  on  the  Vilh  of  that  nioiitli, 
going  to  Lerma  again  on  the:  21st  of  .July  of  that  year  and  leaving  it  on 
the  24tli  for  Vallidesole.  lie  was  not  there  afterwards,  until  tlie  12th  of 
Ortobcr,  1527,  where  he  remained  until  the  17th  of  that  month  when  ho 
w-  lit  to  Burgos.  lie  went  to  Lerma  again  on  the  20th  of  February  1528, 
and  remained  there  for  two  days  only.  Thes(i  are  all  the  occasions  of 
liib  presence  at  Lerma  during  the  whole  period  of  liie  Itinerary.  These 
dates  prove  that  the  only  [lossjible  occasion  for  issuing  the  oriler  of  execu- 
tion was  the  lath  of  October  1527.  The  prisoners  left  under  guard,  on  the 
IStli  of  that  month  for  Madrid,  and  the  letter  apprising  the  em]ieror  lliat 
the  order  had  been  executed  upon  Verrazzano,  must  have  been  written  in 
November,  the  month  following. 

The  Itiii   "ary  will  be  found  in  the  Correitpondence  of  the  lUmpetvr  Charlen 
r,  by  Wilaam  Bradford,  Londf)n,  1850. 


150 


VERRAZZA.NO. 


misroprosentations  to  adopt  a  narrative  which  has  no 
foundation  in  truth,  and  whose  inconsistencies  and  in- 
congruities iie  vainly  sought  to  Teconcile,  but  which, 
for  three  centuries,  sanctioned  by  his  authority  alone, 
has  been  received  as  authentic  and  true;  until  at 
length,  by  the  exposure  of  its  original  character,  and 
the  circumstances  of  its  publication  by  him,  with  the 
production  of  undoubted  evidence  from  the  records  of 
the  time,  it  is  proven  to  be  a  deliberate  fraud. 

Til  is  completes  our  purpose.  The  question,  however, 
still  presents  itself,  what  wjis  the  motive  for  this  gross 
deception  ?  The  answer  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  all 
the  evidence  produced  in  favor  of  the  story  is  traceable 
to  Kiv)rence.  tlie  birthplace  of  Verrazzano.  Ramusio 
obtained  the  V'errazzano  letter  there, —  the  only  one, 
lie  says,  not  nstray  in  consequence  of  its  unfortunate 
troubles.  The  letter  of  Carli,  enclosing  that  of  Verraz- 
zano.  is  protessedh'  writt<!n  by  a  Florentine  to  his  father 
in  that  city.  The  map  of  Ilieroaimo  de  Verrazaiu)  bears 
the  impress  of  the  family,  l^lie  discourse  of  the  French 
captain  of  Dieppe  appears  to  have  been  sent  originally 
to  Florence,  whence  it  was  procured  ])y  l\ainusio... 
Evon  the  globe  of  Paiphrosynus  Ulpiu*  a  name  other- 
wise unknown,  is  represented  to  have  been  constructed 
for  Marcellus,  who  had  been  archbisiiop  of  Florence. 
Thev  arc  all  the  testimony  of  Florence  in  her  own  be- 
half  TIk' cities  ol' Italy  .vhic.li  iiad  grown  in  wealth 
and  importance  during  the  fifteenth  century,  liy  means 
of  an  enterprising  and  valuable  commerce,  produced 
and  nurtured  a  racr  of  skilll'ul  seamen,  among  whom 
were  the  mo.st  uistingui.slit'd  uf  Jie  first  discoverers  of 
■lie  new  \v  >rld,  in  the  persons  of  (Jolun  bus,   Vespucci 


THE    LIFE    AND    DEATH    OF  VERRAZZANO. 


l.")! 


and  the  (Jabots  ;  but  those  cities  contributed  notliiug 
more  to  the  discoveries  which  thus  were  achieved,  than 
to  j^ivo  these  men  birth  and  education.     The  glory  of 
promoting  and  successfully  accomplishing  those  results 
belonged  to  other  nations,  which  had  the  wisdom  and, 
fortune  to  secure  the  services  of  these  navigators.  The 
cities  shone,  however,  with  the  lustre  reflected  from 
having  reared  and  instructed  them  to  the  work  they 
80  wonderfully  performed.     Although  enjoying  a  com- 
mon   nationality,    these   municipalities    belonged    to 
independent  republics  and  were  in  a  measure  rivals 
of  each  other.     Florence  emulat(>d  Genoa.     She  truly 
l)oasted  that  Vespucci,  born  and  raised  on  her  soil,  was 
the  first  to  reach  the  main  land  and  thus  to  have  his 
name  applied  to  the  whole  continent,  "  America  (juasi 
Americi  terra;"  while  Genoa  justly  claimed  for  her 
son,  that  the  discovery  of  all  America  was  to  be  re- 
garded as  assured  from  the  moment  that  Columbus 
landed  on  the  little  gaudy  island  of  Guanahana,  on  the 
12th  of  October  1492.'     But  Florence  <-'njoys  in  addi- 
tion the  unenviable  distinction  of  having  sought  to 
advance  the  pretensit)ns  of  Vespucci  by  lictitious  let- 
ters, purporting  to  be  signed  with  his  name.*     That 
this  spirit  of  civic  pride  in  that  same  community  may 
have  actuated  the  fabrication  of  the  Verrazzano  letter 
is  not  improbable;  but  in  justice  to  the  memory  of  Ver- 
i'.uzauo  it  nmst  be  added,  there  is  no  reason  to  believe 
that  he  was  in  any  way  accessory  to  the  imposture. 


'  Hiinil)ol(1t,  FJmmeii  CrUu/ue,  iv,  37. 

''  Viu'nlifim'i),  Amciiij'i  Voniiirci,  son  iyn-act''re,»es  ecrils  (itii'me {en  nwins uu- 
fMiUiques)  dtr.,  p  07,  U  «iv/     (Lima,  1805), 


•.  • 


APPENDIX 


20 


y 


APPENDIX. 


I. 


cf 


Lettera  di  Fernando   Cakli  a  suo  padue. 


From  tho  Arcliivo  Stoiico  Italianio.    Appciulicc  Tomo  IX.    n;!-.')   ■Kirenzo  1S53. 


Al  nonic  di  Dio 

a  di  4  Agosto  1524. 

"  Oiionuulo  padru. — Considorundo  che  ([luiiido  fui  in  la 
arinata  di  Barbaria  alle  Giorbe  vi  fiirono  grate  le  nuove 
advisatevi  giorualmentc  per  lo  il lustre  sig.  Don  Ugo  di 
Monoada  ,  capitaiio  geiioralc  delta  Cesaroa  MaestA  in  <[uelle 
barbare  parti ,  scguite  eortaudo  (l)cou  li  Mon  di  detta  isola  ; 
pur  la  (pialo  ino8tra8i  baver  i'atto  piaoere  a  niolti  nostri  })ad- 
roni  ed  arnici,  e  con  quelli  dcllaconseguita  vittoria  congra- 
tulatovi :  portanto ,  essendo  nuovamente  qui  nuova  delhi 
giunta  del  capitano  Giovanni  da  Verrazzano  nostro  tioren- 
tino  alio  porto  di  i^iepa  in  Xormandia  con  sua  nave  Dellina  , 
con  la  quale  si  parti  dalle  insule  Canarie  lino  di  Gennaio 
pa^sato  ,  per  andare  in  busca  di  terre  nuove  per  questa  ser- 
eiiissima  coroiui  di  Francia,  in  cUa  niostro  coraggio  trop})0 
no!)ile  e  grande  a  niettor.-^i  a  tanto  incognito  viaggiocon  una 
sola  nave  clie  appena  e  una  caravcUa  di  tonelli  (2) ,  solo 
con  .'JO  uoniini,  con  intenzione  di,  giusta  sua  possa,  diseo- 
prire  il  Cataio,  tenendo  cannninopor  altri  cliniati  di  (pielli 
usano  li  I'ortugbesi  in  lo  discoprirc  di   vers^'o  la  [tartt^  di 


(1)  ('DiiiliaUciulo  (Notii  ddl'eiliziiiiic  UniiKiHii). 

(•-?)  L'aiuimnciisc  liii  lasciato  il  inuiuic  dcllc  loiiiii  IImIc  i)i  ciii  era  capacc 
la  iiavL'  {Si/tit  ci/iuc  ittipru). 


156 


VEUUAZZANO. 


Calicut ,  ma  andaiido  verso  coro  e  sottentrione  omnino  ten- 
oiido,  cho  aiicora  (1)  Tolomco  ed  Aristotile  ed  altri  cosiuo- 
grati  descrivauo  verso  tali  cliraati  non  trovarsi  terra ,  di 
trovarvene  a  ogiii  modo ;  e  eosi  gli  ha  J)io  conccaso ,  come 
distintamonte  descrive  per  una  sua  lettera  a  questa  S.  M. ; 
della  quale  in  questa  ne  h  una  copia.  E  per  raancargli  le 
vettovaglie  ,  dope  molti  mesi  giunto  navigando  ,  assegna 
essergli  stato  forza  tornare  da  (pello  in  (jiiesto  eraisperio , 
e  in  sette  jnesi  suto  in  viaggio  mostruregrandissimo  ed  ac- 
celerate camraino ,  aver  fatto  cosa  miranda  e  massima  a  chi 
intende  la  marinera  del  moiido.  Delia  qualeal  cominciamen- 
to  di  detto  sue  viaggio  si  fece  nialeiuditio  (2),  e  molti  pen- 
eorno clie  non  piii  nv'di  lui  ne  del  vascello  si  avesse  nuova ,  nia 
die  si  dovesse  perdere  da  quella  banda  della  Norvegia  per 
il  grande  diaccio  che  e  per  quello  oceano  settentrionale : 
ma  come  disse  (luel  Moro ,  lo  l)io  grande ,  per  daroi  ogni 
giorno  pin  notizie  di  sua  intiuita  possanza  e  niostrarci  di' 
(|uanto  sia  admirabile  questa  mundiale  raachina  ,  gli  ha  dis- 
coperto  una  latitudine  di  terra,  come  intenderete ,  di  tanta 
grandezza  clie ,  secondo  lo  buone  rugioni  e  gradi ,  per  lati- 
tudine (et)  altozza ,  assegna  e  mostra  piu  grande  che  I'Eu- 
ropa ,  Africa  e  parte  di  Asia  :  crfjo  mandiiH  novas  :  e  '[uesto 
senza  lo  che  (8)  hanno  discoperto  in  piu  anni  gli  Sparti  per 
I'occidente,  che  appena  e  un  anno  torno  Ferrando  Maga- 
ghiana  ,  quale  discoporso  grande  paese  con  una  nave  meno 
delie  cin(|uc  (4), a  discoprire.  Duude  addusse  garof'ani  mol- 
to  piu  eccellenti  delli  soliti;  e  le  altre  sue  navi  in  5  anni 
mai  nuova  ci  5  trapelata.  Stimansi  perse.  (Quello  (5)  che 
questo  nostro  capitano  abbia  condotto  non  dice  per  (|uesta 
sua  lettera,  salvo  uno  uotno  giovanetto  preso  di  quelli  paesi ; 
nrjk  stimansi  che  abl)ia  porhito  mostra  di  oro,  [toiche  da 
quelle  bande  non  lo  stiniano  ,  e  di  droghe  e  di  altri  liquori 
aromatici ,  per  conferire  (|ua  con  molti  mercatanti  di  poi 


(1)  Ancorclir'. 

(2)  L'cdiz.  roniana  lia  indizio,  ma  crediamo  per  errore  di  sUinipn. 
(8)  Qui'Ilo  olu!  {Xof<i  roiae  .wjira). 

(4)  Porsi'  vcniio  qui  oinosso  itc  o  simile ;  e  semlira  acccunarsi  al  naufra- 
gio  di  una  di  (nicllc  ciiKiuc  navi. 

(5)  Nclla  roniana  si  lc'f;;r<':  "stiniiuisi  per  st"'  (lucllo  oc";  ma  I'i  sembra 
che  il  siyiHO  j;;iuslificlii  abbastan/a  la  nostra  correzionc. 


APPENDIX. 


107 


omnlno  ten- 
iltri  cosiuo- 
i  terra,  di 
0880 ,  come 
esta  S.  M. ; 
ancargli  le 
io ,  assegna 
eraispcrio , 
simo  ed  ac- 
,8sima  a  chi 
iiinciaiueu- 
:  molti  pen- 
nuova ,  ma 
)rvcgia  per 
eutrionale : 
durci  ogui 
lostrarci  di' 
,  gli  lia  dia- 
;e ,  di  tanta 
i  ,  per  lati- 
e  clie  I'Eu- 
e  ([uesto 
parti  per 
do  Maga- 
ivo  nieno 
tani  raol- 
iii  5  antii 
o  {'))  clie 
or  (juesta 
i  paesi; 
oiche  da 
ri  liquori 
liiti  di  poi 


clie  8ar;\  state  alia  preseiiza  della  Sereiiissima  MaestA.   E  a 
<|iiesta  ora  d(/vcrri\  essorvi ,  e  di  ipia  trasferir^i  in  breve ,  per 
clio  t!  moltc  desiato,  per  ragloiiare  seeo ;  tatito  [tiuchotro- 
voril  (pii  'a  MaestA  del  lie  nostro  sire,  che  fratre  o  quattro 
gioriii  vi  si  atteude :  e  speriaiiio  che  S.  M.  lo  rimetta  di 
mozza  Jozzina  di  buoni  vaseelli,  c  die  tornorA  al  viaggio. 
Fj  He  FraiiccKco  Carli  nostro  ci  f'osdc  tomato  dal  Cairo,  a<l- 
visatc  che  alia  ventnra  vorrA  andare  seco  a  detto  viaggio  , 
e  credo  si  conoschino  al  Cairo  dove  e  stato  pin  anui ;  o  uou 
hiolo  ill  Egitto  ''d  Soria ,  ma  quasi  per  tutto  il  cognito  moii- 
do ;  e  di  qua  inediantc  sua  virtu  e  stiniato  un  altro  Ameri- 
go Vespucci ,  un  altro  Ferrando  Magaghiaiia ,  e  davantag- 
gio ;  e  speriamo  che  rimontandosi  delle  altre  buone  navi  e 
vaseelli  ben  conditi  e  vettovagliati  come  si  richiede ,  abbia 
ad  iscoprire  ([ualche  proiittoso  trailico  o  fatto ;  e  farA,  pre- 
staiidogli  no.stro  Signore  Dio  vita,  onore  alia  nostra  patria 
da  acquistarne  immortale  fama  e  memoria.  E  Alderotto 
Brunelleschi  che  parti  con  lui ,  e  per  fortuna  tornando  iu- 
dietro  non  volse  pin  seguire  ,  come  di  costA  lo  intende,  sarA 
malconteiito.  Ne  altro  per  ora  mi  occorre  ,  perche  per  altre 
vi  ho  avvisato  il  bisogno.  A  vol  di  continuo  mi  raccomando , 
pregandovi  no  facciate  parte  agli  auiici  iiostri ,  non  dimen- 
ticando  rierfrancesco  Dagagliiano^l) ,  che  per  essere  per- 
sona perita ,  tengo  che  no  prcudera  grande  passatempo ;  ed 
a  lui  mi  raccomaiidercte.  fSiinile  al  kustichi ,  al  quale  non 
(lispiacerA  so  si  diletta,  come  suole ,  intendere  coae  di  cos- 
iiiograda.  Che  Dio  tutti  di  male  vi  guardi. 

,  Vustro  figliuolo 

Fernando  Carli  in  Lione. 


U)  Forsu ,  (laGagliaiio. 


iijia. 

si  al  naufi'a- 
ri  senibra 


15S 


VERRAZZANO. 


TT. 


AgUKEMENT    of    PlIILIPl'E     ClIABOT,     AdMIHAL     OF    FrANCE 
WITH    CERTAIN    ADVENTURERS    INCLUDINO   VeRRAZZANO. 


l''roin  tlio  Fontollo  Collecticiii,  XXI,  "70,  fol.  W),  In  the  Uihliotlu'quo  Nfttioi'nlo  in  Paris. 
First  printed  by  M .  Miirsjry,  uud  here  corrected  according  to  tlic  MS. 

Nous,  riiilippo  Cliabot,  bai'oii  d'Aprcmont ,  clicviiiier 
de  I'ordro  du  Uoi ,  son  gouvernour  et  I ioutenant  general  de 
Bourgoingne  ,  admiral  de  .France  et  de  Brctaino. 

Avons  ee  jourdhuy  delibi'^rr  que,  pour  le  bien  ,  proufHot 
et  utiliti-  de  la  chose  publio<^ue  du  royaulme  de  France, 
iiiettre  wur  deux  de  nos  gallyons  estant  de  present  an 
Havre  de  Grace  avec  une  net' appurtenant  ;\  Jehan  Ango  , 
de  ])io}'t^)e ,  du  port  soixantedix  tonneaulx  ou  environ  ,  por 
iceulx  troys  vcseaulx,  esqnip[)or,  vitaillor  et  I'onvinyr,  pour 
laire  le  voiaige  des  espiceryes  aux  Indies. —  Dont  })our  iccl- 
luy  voiage  liiire  avons  ticeordr  avec  les  personnes  eides- 
soubz  nomnies  et  signez  en  la  nianii'rc  qui  ensuict  pour 
fournyr  lesd.  trois  navyres  do  rnarcliandises ,  victailles  et 
avance  de  conipaignons  ainsi  qu'ilsera  requis  et  necessaire, 

Et  pour  ce  laire  avons  conclud  et  delibere,  avee  iceuix  , 
mectre  et  employer  jusipies  a  la  somme  de  vingt  mil  livres 
tour,  e'est  assavoir,  pour  nou.^  Admiral  ([uatre  mille  livres 
tour ,  nuiistre  Guillaume  I'leudliojiiine ,  general  de  Nor- 
mandye,  deux  mil  Ii\res  tour;  i'ierre  Despinolles ,  mil 
livres  tour;  Jehan  Ango ,  deux  mil  livres  tour;  Jaccpies 
Boursier  ,  pareille  somme  de  deux  mil  li\res  tournoys  ,  mes- 
sire  Jeban  de  V'aresam  ,  priiieiiialle  pilote  ,  semblable  som- 
me de  deux  mil  livres  tournoys. 

Les<l.  parties  revenans  ensemble  a  la  somme  de  vingt  mil 
livres  tournoys.  For  icelle  employer  aux  vitailles,  mar- 
chandises  et  avance  ,  loyer  de  conipagnons.  Et  nous  Amy- 
ral  et  Ango  prometons  bailUu-  lesd.  gallyons  et  net',  bien 


APPENDIX. 


159 


OF  France 

lUAZZANO. 

Fitioi'alo  in  Paris, 
tlic  MS. 

t,  clicvulier 
t  genenil  do 

10. 

n  ,  prouflict 

de  France , 

pi'osejit  an 

hail  Aiigo  , 

ivifoii ,  por 

vniiyr,pour 

it  pour  \vv\- 

uu's  cidcs- 

isuict  pour 

ictaillcs  et 

uccessairc. 

^'cc  icoulx , 

t  mil  livrcs 

iiille  livres 

tl  (le  Nor- 

ii>llos,  mil 

■;  Jaccpics 

iH)y.s ,  ines- 

able  soin- 

e  viiigtiiiil 

Ilori,   nuir- 

i<ni:^  Aiuy- 

uot',  bioii 


et  (Icucmcnt  radoubros  ot  acoou'^trt'es  ,  .comrno  il  apparticiit 
)V  t'airo  led  voyaigi! ,  taut  do  caltadages ,  cable.-* ,  aiuTCs , 
doubles  appareilz,  tous  (.nvdagos  ,  artilleryes  ,  [juuldrcs, 
boulletb,  et  tout  ce  qui  e.st  rccjuiz  il  telz  navlres  pour  t'aire 
uug  tel  et  si  loug  voiaige  (|ue  ccHtuy  et  reudro  icoulx  gal- 
yous  et  nefsprcstz,  ot  aparoillez  a  {'aire led.  voiaige  dcdauH 
dou.\  nioys  do  ce  jourduy  Tar  ainsy  ([uo  nous  Admii-al  ot 
Augo ,  preudorons  au  retour  dud.  voiaige  ,  pour  le  iVet  ot 
uoleage  desd.  gallyonsetnof,  le  cartde  toutcs  lea  marcliau- 
dirfcs  (|ui  rovieudrout  et  seront  rapportes  par  iceul.\,  sans 
aucuue  cho.sO  payor. 

J-it  pour  le  loyor  dudict  messire  Jeliau  pillotc  ,  locpicl 
a'cst  submis  et  oblige  de  fournyr  deux  pillotea  bons  et  suf- 
ti.saiis  pour  conduire  lea  deux  aultres  navires,  preiidra  pr 
son  diet  loyer  ot  de  ses  deux  pillotea  ,  le  sixiosino  de  tout  so 
qui  roviondra  de  marebaudi.ses  ,  led.  cart  por  noUiago  ,  Ics 
frais  ot  mi.sos  des  iiiarcliaudi.sea  et  loyers  dea  copaiguona 
on  i>r(''alable  prins  et  levos  avant  que  prendre  led.  aixieaine. 

Et  se  ,  ])ar  caa  de  fortune  ,  aucuna  d'iceulx  gailyona  ou 
not" fouaaent  pdus  and.  voiaige ,  ou  quo  Fung  p  quobpio  incu- 
venieiit  ot  lea  deux  aultrea  f'oiaaont  leur  voiaige ,  la  luar- 
cluiudiae  qui  reviendroit  ae  pteroit  comrue  doaaua  et  y  ptiroit 
led.  navire  (pii  n'ayroiteato  audict  voyaige  oi  lea  marehana, 
cliacuu  au  uiiirc  la  iivro ,  cai-  tout  va  a  coiumun  profit. 

Et  ae  auouu  'butin  ao  f'aict  A  la  luer  aur  lea  Moi-ca ,  ou 
anlti'oa  enneniya  de  la  Foy  ot  du  Roy  ;  monaeigtiour  I'Aniy- 
ral  prendera  en  prealable  aur  icelluy  butin  son  xme  ,  et  le 
reate  qui  revenderoit  dud.  butin  ae  ptira  conuue  Tautre 
niarohandiae,  aauf  (iuol(|UO  portictn  d'icollny  butin,  (|ue  1 
ong  baillera  aiix  copagiion.s  aiii.ai  qu'il  sera  avisu. 

Et  fera  mond.  ar  Laniyral  expodier  letres  du  Koy  on 
[latent  pour  avoir  licence  et  conge  de  faire  led.  voiaige  ,  et 
que  aucun  otnposcbomont  no  leur  aera  t\'t  ou  doniu''  jiar 
aucuue  nation  dea  aliez  ,  aniys  ou  crileiuUiro/,  du  Roy  nore 
d  sr. 

Pour  lo  voiage  do  mcs-airc  -loan. 


IGO 


VKKIJAZZANO. 


[Tnuislation.J 

We,  I'hilippo  Cliabot,  Buroii  (rApreniont,  Knii^ht  ot'tliu 
Ordro  du  Roi,  liiw  Governor  and  Ijieutciuiiit-gt'iiorul  of 
lUirguijdy,  Admiral  of  Franco  and  of  Brittany, 

Have  tliis  day  dotcrrninod  for  tlio  good,  advantage,  and 
utility  of  the  public  atlairH  of  the  Kingdom  of  France,  to 
l»ut  two  of  our  galleons,  at  [)re,sent  at  Havre  de  Grace, 
with  one  nhip  belonging  to  Jehan  Ango  of  .Dieppe,  of 
seventy  tons  burden,  or  thereabouts,  to  etjuip,  vietuul  and 
lit  these  three  vessels,  to  nudve  the  voyage  for  spices  to  the 
Indies.  To  make  the  aforesaid  voyage,  we  have  agreed 
with  the  persons  hereinafter  named  and  signed,  in  the  man- 
ner following,  to  furnish  the  said  three  vessels  with  goods, 
victuals,  and  advance  money  for  the  cre\^,  as  sliall  be  requi- 
site and  necessary. 

And  to  do  this  wo  have  concluded  and  determined  with 
the  aforesaid,  to  put  and  employ  as  large  a  sum  as  twenty 
thousand  pounds.  Tours  currency,  that  is  to  say,  for  ourself, 
Admiral,  four  thousand  ])ounds,  Tours;  Master  Guillaume 
I'reudhommc,  General  ofXormand}  ,  two  thousand  pounds. 
Tours;  Pierre  UespinoUes,  one  thousand  pounds,  Tours; 
Jehan  Ango,  two  thousand  pounds,  Tours;  Jacques Bour- 
sier,  an  equal  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds.  Tours;  Mes- 
sire  Jehan  de  Varesan),  Chief  pilot,  a  like  sum  of  two 
thousand  pounds,  Tours. 

The  said  parts  together  amounting  to  the  said  sum 
of  20,000  pounds.  Tours,'  to  be  employed  for  provisions, 
merchandise,  and  advance  money  to  hire  the  crew.  And 
we,  Admiral  and  Ango,  promise  to  deliver  the  said  gal- 
leons and  ship  well  and  properly  refitted  and  accontrerl, 
as  befits  to  make  the  said  voyage,  as  well  as  caulkings, 
^cables,  anchors,  duplicate  furniture,  all  cordage,  artillery, 
powder,  shot,  and  all  that  is  re^iuired  by  such  vessels,  to 
make  such  a  long  voyage  as  this ;  and  to  have  these  gal- 


'  Till' aiinis  lii'ii' iiiinuil  do  no!  niukciwi'iilj  llnnKsiinil  pouiids.  —  Tuans- 

LA'KMJ. 


1 

$ 


AITHNDIX. 


161 


looiKs  and  ship  ready  and   ]>ri'i»;ired  to  make  \\n'  m'n\  voy- 


within   two 


iths   t'l 


Also,  that 


night  oftho 
;-gencral  of 

[intage,  and 
'France,  to 
de  Grace, 
Dieppn,  of 
victnul  and 
picea  to  the 
lave  agreed 
in  the  man- 
vvith  goods, 
11  he  rei[ui- 

iniiKsd  witli 

1  as  t^venty 

for  ourself, 

(ruillaujuc 

ndpoujids, 

ds,  Tours; 

qucsBour- 

urs;  Moa- 

in   of  two 

said  sum 
)rovisions, 

ow.  And 
i  said  gal- 
accoutred, 
eaulkings, 
,  artillery, 
vessels,  to 
these  gal- 


i\dniiral  ami  Ango,  will  take,  on  the  rt'tnrn  from  the  Haid 
voyage,  for  the  I'reight  and  freighting  of  the  said  galleons 
and  ship,  thofoiirtli  part  of  all  the  merchandise  which  shall 
return  and  shall  be  brought  back  l»y  the  aforesaid,  witli- 
out  any  coat. 

And  for  the  hire  of  tlie  said  pilot,  Messirc  .lelian,  who 
has  agriHid  ai\d  bound  himself  to  provide  two  good  and 
compiitent  pilots  to  sjeer  tlie  other  two  vessels,  he  shall 
lake  for  his  hire  and  that  of  his  two  i)ilots,  the  sixth  of  all 
the  goods  which  shall  be  brought  back ;  the  said  fourth 
for  freightage,  exi>enses  and  disposing  of  the  goods,  and  the 
wages  of  the  erew,  being  prtsviously  taken  and  levied,  be- 
Ibre  taking  tht!  said  sixth. 

And  if,  in  case  of  accident,  any  of  those  galleons  or  ship 
should  be  lost  on  the  said  voyage,  or  if  one  by  any  niis- 
clianco  does  not,  and  the  other  two  do  make  their  vovage, 
the  merchandise  which  should  be  brought  back,  woulil  be 
divided  as  above,  and  the  said  vessel  which  might  not  have 
been  on  the  said  voyage  shall  share,  and  the  merchants  each 
one  a  mark  to  the  pound,  for  all  goes  to  the  common  profit. 

And  if  any  booty  be  taken  at  sea,  from  the  Moors  or 
others  enemies  of  the  Faith  and  the  King,  my  Lord  ;  the 
Adiuiral,  shall  take  previously,  of  the  aforesaid  booty, 
his  tenth;  and  the  l)alance  which  would  accrue  from  the 
sai(1  booty,  f.hall  be  divided  like  tlie  other  goods,  except 
some  portion  of  t'lat  booty,  which  shall  be  given  to  the  erew 
as  shall  be  advised. 

And  my  aforesaid  Admiral  shall  have  letters-patent  Irom 
the  king  expedited,  in  order  to  have  permission  and  leave 
to  make  the  sai  1  voyage;  and  no  obstruction  shall  be  made 
or  given  to  these  letters,  by  any  allies,  friend,  or  confeder- 
ate of  the  king,  our  said  Lord. 

For  the  voyage  of  Sir  .Toan. 


lis  —  TUANS- 


21 


102 


VEHRAZZAXO. 


III. 


Lkttku  ok  Joao  [)a  Sii.vKiiiA,  Tin:  I'oktiouksk  Amuassa- 
mm  IN  FuANCK,  to  Kincj  JJom  Joao  HI. 

TmiiHlatiid  Irdiii  tlio  urlyliml  iil  MmIioii.  in  AnhirnMt  Torn  <k  TimUio,  Umi).  Chron. 

ran  1.  Mil.  'J,%  Dm-.  SI. 

I  received  u  letter  from  Your  ITiu^hnbss  on  the  10th  ol' 
tli'iH  inoiith,  throiiji;h  Jofio  Kraiieisco,  vvlierein  I  iini  directed 
whiit  iis  to  1)0  done  rcspeetiii^  the  galleon  iind  caruvel,  lakiin 
Jit  the  doini  Islands,'  by  the  galh^y.s  of  Kranee.  As  soon  as 
I  received  the  instruction,  which  was  ahout  the  beginning 
of  Clirirftnias,  I  spoko  on  the  snbject  in  a  manner  l)elittiiig 
the  nature  of  tin'  ca.se.  At  once  they  were  released, —  tlie 
caravel  with  her  artillery  and  the  brocades  and  silks.'-  By 
this  time  they  must  have  arrived  at  Lisbon.  As  respects 
the  merchandiHC,  I  had  the  promise  that  if  it  was  found  to 
he  the  property  of  Vour  Highness  or  of  your  subjects  it 
should  not  be  sold.  After  a  few  days,  discovering  that  it 
belonged  to  Joao  Francisco,  an  ample  order  was  given  to 
his  agents  I'or  its  entire  restitution,  which  orders  set  foi'tli 
that  as  he  lives  in  tlie  kingdoms  of  Your  Highness,  and 
there  is  an  old  friendship  existing  Vith  the  King  of  France 
winch  he  was  no  less  desirous  of  preserving,  in  this  he 
would  favor  that  king.  After  this  order  was  promulgated 
anotlier  came  from  the  chief  oiHcial,  in  conse<pienee  of 
which  nothing  was  delivered,  and  the  goods  moreover  were 
sold.  From  that  time  to  the  present,  notliing  has  been 
accomplished.  I  will  strive  the  best  I  can  for  despatch,  in 
the  manner  that  Your  Highness  points  out,  and  will  give 
account  of  what  1  do. 


'  I»iol)Ml)ly  Madeira  Islanda.    TiiANsr-ATOu. 

■^  Tliat  is  to  say,  llie  liangings,  tapcstiy,  and  awnings  of  the   vessel. 


Tlt.VNSI.ATOIt. 


Ari'KNDIX. 


K 


I  .J 


u;  Amisassa- 
11. 

'ilKi,  Vdrp.  Vkron. 


the  10th  of 
!ini  (li  reeled 
mvi'l,  lakoti 
As  soon  aa 
3  begin iiiiiij^ 
ler  })elittiiig 


cased 


■tl 


le 


silks.-  J>y 
A.8  respects 
as  found  to 
'  subjects  it 
:'iiig  tliat  it 
'as  given  to 
srs  set  fcu'tli 
;'hn('M,s,  and 
g  of  France 
',  in  this  he 
roniulgated 
ie(j[ueuce  of 
feover  were 
ig  has  been 
lespatch, in 
id  will  give 


)f  the  vessel. 


When  the  matter  of  the  gaUeon  occurred,  tlieLici-nljato 
Pero  (fonu'Z  liad  alrt^idy  embarked  al  Anallor.  I  advised 
the  Doctor,  Maestro  Diogo,  who  was  about  going  to  lieuao' 
that  he  ought  not  to  leave  before  writing,  and  to  give 
Your  Ifighness  a  stiitt-ment  of  the  facts  in  that  regard  ;  as 
he  at  once  wrote  that  he  woidil  do  so,  I  liave  said  nothing 
further  in  my  letters. 

r>y  what  I  hoar,  Maestro  Jofio  Verazauo,  who  is  going 
on  the  discovery  of  ('athay,  has  not  leftu[)  to  this  date,  for 
want  of  opiKirtUTuty  a,nd  because  ef  ditfereiices,  I  umUn-- 
stand,  between  himself  and  men  ;  and  on  this  topic,  though 
knowing  nothing  positively,  I  have  written  my  doubts  in 
accompanying  letters.  1  shall  continue  to  doubt  unless  he 
take  his  departure. 

The  Doctor  Maestro  Diogo  de  (Jouvea  is  now  going  to 
Kuao'  wherelio  is  going  to  find  out  everything  with  the 
greatest  exactness  possible,  and,  as  I  have  requested,  re- 
port at  great  leugtli.  May  our  Lord  prolong  the  life  of 
Your  Highness  many  days  and  prosper  the  royal  estate. 

From  Poessi  the  x.w  of  April  1523. 

JOAO    DA    8ILVEIRA. 


'  i.  e.  Houeu.    Thanhlatok. 


t 


1G4 


VKKliAZZANO. 


IV. 

I.  Le'j  TKu  OK  Alonso  Davila  to  ini:  E.MrKROR  Charles  A 

KELATINQ  TO   THE  CaI'VURK  OF    TJIK   TRtiArfLRK  SENT  I'U- 

Mexico  hy  Coktes. 


Translated  from  the  orif.'liial  in  tlip  Arcliiv  1  do  Indias  at  HeviUe. 

Vcr>/  high  and  very  powerful  Cafholie  Lord  Km/: 

Captuiu  I)omiiis,^o  Alonso,  who  wtis  coniiniuHlor  of  tl) 
three  caniveis  that  sailed  as  guard  on  the  eoast  oi"  AihUiIi 
sia,  gave  u  ceduhi  to  Antonio  (iuifiones  and  myself  at  tli 
Isla.id  of  Azores,  in  which  Your  Majesty  \wis  pleased  t 
state  to  us  that,  from  tlie  news  of  our  fear  of  the  Frene 
who  were  said  to  run  the  coast,  we  had  remained  at  th 
Island  of  Santa  Maria  until  your  Highness  sliould  diroc 
what  might  be  for  the  royal  service,  in  so  doing  we  ha 
acted  well;  that  to  secure  the  gold  and  articles  we  ha^ 
brought,  the  throe  caravels  were  sent  to  us  under  that  cap 
tain  ;  and  we  were  enjoined  to  embark  in  them  at  once  an( 
come  with  every  thing  to  the  city  of  Seville,  to  the  llous^ 
of  Oontratacion,  and  the  olHcers  who  by  the  royal  comnumt 
reside  there,  for  \vhi'.;h  favor  we  kiss  your  feet  and  hands 

The  caravels  ar-.ived  the  xvth  of  May,  and  directly  in  I'ul 
lilment  of  the  order  we  embarked,  sailing  for  the  i'ortu 
guese  coast,  which  the  pilots  deemed  the  safer  course,  an( 
coming  withiti  ten  leagues  of  (^a^ie  St.  Vincent,  six  arnuM 
French  ships  ran  out  uji()n  us.  VVe  fought  them  from  tw( 
caravels,  until  we  were  overpowered,  when  everything 
eminently  valuable  on  the  way  to  Your  Majesty  was  lost 
the  other  caravel  not  being  disposed  to  fight  escaped  ti 
carry  the  news;  and  but  lor  that  perhajis  the  ca[)tain  migh 
better  have  staid  with  his  additional  force  to  aid  our  dcfenc 
tlian.to  carry  back  such  ti<lings.  ()uinones  died,  and  1  an 
a  [)risoner  at  llochclle  in  France. 

T  should  desire  to  come,  would  they  but  let  nie,  to  kis 
V<iiir  roval  fcot,  mid  give  a  com]ilete  history  of  all  ;   for 


liv  )  (li?  liiOins  at  Seville. 


APPENDIX.  165 

r, ] 

lost  everytliing  I  poasessed  in  tlio  service  of  Youv  Majesty, 
iiiu]  liave  wished  that  my  life  liad  lieoii  as  vvoll.  I  entreat 
tliut  privilugL's  be  grunted  to  the  residents  and  inhabitants 
of  New  Spain  and  tliat  you  will  co.isider  services  to  have 
been  rendered,  since  that  people  have  loyally  done  their 
duty  to  this  moment,  and  will  ever  do  as  true  vassals. 

I  bese«H;h  that  Vonr  Majesty  ho  pleased  to  order  good  pro- 
tection i)laced  on  the  coast  of  Andalusia  for  the  ships  com- 
ing from  the  Indies ;  for  now  all  the  French,  Hushed  us 
they  are,  desire  to  take  positions  whence  they  may  commit 
mischief.  L(it  it  be  an  ariiiamont  that  can  act  offensively, 
and  which  will  not  tlee,  but  seek  out  the  enemy. 

I  entreat,  prisoner  and  lost  as  I  am,  yet  desiring  still  to 
die  in  the  royal  service,  that  Your  Highness  will  so  favor 
)ue,  that  if  any  ship  should  be  sent  to  New  Spain,  an  order 
be  directed  to  Hernando  Cortes,  requiring  thiit  the  Indians 
I  have  there  deposited  in  the  name  of  Vour  Majesty  bo  not 
taken,  but  that  they  be  bestowed  on  me  for  the  period  that 
is  your  pleasure. 

Our  Lord  augment  the  imperial  state  of  Your  Royal 
Majesty  to  the  e.\tent  your  royal  person  may  requii'e. 

From  Kochcla  of  France,  the  xvith  day  of  June  of  M. 
d.  xxiiJ  vears. 

Of  Y.  C.  Ca.  Ma.  the  loyal  vassal  who  kisses  your  very 
rr;yal  feet  and  hands. 

Alonso  Davila. 


A 

m 


2.    StaTK.MKNT   CnxriKRNTNO  TItK   FRKN(fh  VeSPELS(iF    VYar 

wiiKui  Cruise  thk.  Sea  of  Si'ain. 


Trnnslatrd  frnm  the  orlf,'liml  in  the  Archuo  'it  linHas  m  Seville,  in  the  siiiriphaml,  payp 
I'll'.  1).  Praiirijco  Simrez,  the  iincieiit  aithivero,  lis  tlie  letter  (if  Aloiifii  Diivil;i  nddiesseil 
Inini  Hdtlielle  to'tie  eiiipemr  Th«  tmiiU  wiilini^  in  most  dilllcult  to  iimkc  out  The 
.imiiiMils  niiirkcd  i-ii  may  intend  cfc,  and  ii  two  ix' 

The  Frenoh  vessels  of  war  which  cruis(>  the  soa  oi' Spain 
as  far  as  Andalusia,  of  whitli  Jn.  Florin  Ij  Dicpn  is  ([([itaiii. 

First,  !i  liirgo  ship  t  ii.  tons,  in  which  ar*'  fil  men  —  the 
half  soldiers,  and  tlii'othor  halt' sailors  ;  ciirrios  \\   pieces 


ina 


VERRAZZANO. 


of  artillery  of  brass,  besides  otherp  of  iron,  with  munitions 
and  victuals  in  large  quantity. 

Another  vessel,  built  in  Vizcaya,  captured  by  the  French 
of  cr  tons. 

Another  vessel  of  ci  tons,  mad'j  in  Britany. 

Five  galleons  —  the  largest  of  I  xx  tons,  another  of  Ix, 
another  of  1,  another  of  xl,  made  in  Vizcaya,  another  of  xl, 
which  arc  also  provided  with  cc  men  of  war,  being  of  the 
French  soldiers  who  were  in  Tuenteravia.  They  have  bc- 
fiides  full  supply  of  men  &  of  artillery,  munition  and 
victuals  for  one  year ;  and,  it  is  said,  that  this  armada  goes 
direct  to  Andalusia,  to  run  tliiit  coast  and  take  what  nuiy 
come  froiu  the  Indias  ;  for  this  is  the  same  armada  tbjTc  last 
year  took  the  cxxM  ducats  that  were  coming,  consequently, 
it  is  necessary  that  His  Majesty  should  have  an  armada  in 
Andalusia  to  go  to  meet  this  one  of  France,  and  notsuifer 
it  to  do  mischief. 


ArPENDIX. 


10 


H 


11,  wit.li  muiiitions 
red  by  the  Froiicli 


V. 


1.  Letter  from  tiik  Jud^e  or  Cadiz-to  Charles  V,  oivino 
Tiiio  Names  of  the  PRrNcrPAi,  PKUciONS  Cai-tured  u'ith 
'   AN  Floiun,  and  of  his  Death. 


Translated  from  the  orisiiifil,  in  the  Arcliivo  gcnoral  in  Simnncos. 
K^'lailo:  I,cj;aj(il:i,  fol.aili. 

&crf'(  ( ''(•  .^    ran  CalhoUa  Mujcsti/. 

The  Lioontiato  Juan  do  Ciles  yoiu-  Resident  Judge  in  the 
Cit}'  of"  C/udiz  reports  what  hu.s  '.)i!en  done  in  tlie  taking  of 
Jui)i;  "^'  -rin,  a  French  corsair,  and  others,  made  prisoners 
wi\\,  \yr)  Before  receiving  a  ceduhi  signed  by  Your  Majesty 
at  Lerma,  the  thirteenth  of  last  niontli,  kiuiwing  that  tlicro 
were  some  iliih^renceB  of  ojiinion  among  tliose  making  the 
capture,  I  hUtored,  and  wirti  success,  to  induce  tliein  to  l)ring 
Juan  Florin,  Mons^  de  la  Sala,  Mons'  Juan  de  Mensieris, 
Michel  au<l  a  page  of  Juan  Florin  before  Your  Majesty,  Jo 
avoid  certain  diiliculties  that  were  impending.  This  wa3 
done  l)y  Bartolomc  del  Alamo,  high-sherilf  of  said  City, 
with  six  persons,  one  from  each  ship  engaged  in  the  cap- 
ture. These  took  tlieir  departure  on  the  l^th  of  last  month, 
carrying  their  prisoners  to  court;  and  by  virtue  of  tlie 
(.'edula  of  Your  Majesty,  I  caused  the  delivery  to  me  of  the 
remaining  Fivnch  to  be  kept  securely  as  Your  Highness 
required.  One  hundred  and  twenty  or  one  hundred  and 
thirty  of  them  were  given  up,  and  were  in  custody  when  a 
certain  dispatch  came  to  hand  trom  your  Counsel  on  the 
twentv  seventh  of  last  month.  In  obedience  thereto,  I 
ordered  the  chief  Alcalde  of  said  city  to  proceed  against 
these  in  my  power,  agreeably  to  what  was  commanded  rae 
by  your  Counsel  ;  and  with  the  utmost  speed  1  came  on  in 
pursuit  of  Juan  Florin  to  Colmenar  de  A  renas  where  were 
executed  on  his  person  the  laws  of  your  kingdom.     Mon"'' 


168 


VERRAZZANO. 


de  Monsieris,  Michol  and  Gile  I  condemned  porpotually  to 
tlio  galleys;  and  l^eeausc  the  Iligli  Hhcritl"  iiud  tlic;  Viz- 
caynos  loft  Mons'  do  la  Sale  at  the  point  of  death  with  Juan 
Lopez  do  (^'uina^'a,  a  Vizcaino,  who  go  by  another  road,  I 
send  the  High  Sheriff  for. him  while  I  return  to  ('adiz  to 
make  provision  for  things  not  done  in  a  manner  best  heiit- 
ting  the  royal  service. 

In  pursuance  of  your  Majesty's  order  1  take  especial  care 
that  no  person  ransom  or  conceal  himself.  Those  of  con- 
sidtsration,  captured  witli  Juan  Florin  are  Mons'  de  la  Hala, 
doctor  indiscretis,  a  native  of  Paris,  Mon.s'  .Tuan  de  Men- 
aieris,  a  native  of  Turenne,  son  of  Martin  Monsieris,  who 
has  an  income  of  two  hundred  ducats,  Mons""  de  Londo,  a 
7iativc  of  Lombardy,  son  of  a  gentleman,  a  Baron,  native 
of  Venice,  Mons''  de  Lane,  second  son  of  Mous''  de  Lane, 
Mons'  Vipar,  a  native  of  Drumar,  sou  of  Mona"^  Vipar,  who 
is  rich,  and  Mons"'  Fasan. 

S,  C.  C.  M.  I  kiss  the  sacred  feet  of  Your  Majesty. 

LiCKNCIADO    GiLEH. 


2.'  Li:tter  of  the  Judge  of  Cadiz,  in  Answee  to  a  Ivoyal, 
Missive,  Statino  by  whom  Juan  Flouin  was  Cai'tuued, 
AND  iiis  Execution. 


Trauslatod  from  tlic  orii^iiml  in  the  Archivo  fiJiieral  in  Siiuan«i3. 
KsTADo  :    Legajo  13,  fol.  345. 

Sacred  C<xc.^areaii  Catholic  Majeslij : 

The  Licentiate  Giles,  Resident  Judge  in  the  City  of  Cadiz, 
in  compliance  with  what  your  Mojesty  re([uired  by  your 
eedula  that  it  should  be  stated  who  captured  Juan  Florin 
and  his  accomplices,  answers  that  Martin  Yrirar,  Anton!  > 
de  (^"umaya,  Juan  Martinez  de  Ari(;abalo,  Martin  I'm-ez  do 
Leabur,  Saba  de  Ysasa,  Juan  de  Galarza,  Captains  of  their 
galleons  and  ships,  witli  their  people,  were  those  who  cap- 
tured Juan  Florin  in  the  manner  that  they  will  relate,  and 
bnmght  him  to  the  Bay  of  Cailiz.      1  went  directly  to  their 


m 


irpotually  to 
rid  tliC!  Viz- 
;h  with  Juiui 
)ther  road,  I 
to  ( ■udiz  to 
3r  best  ])elit- 

?apecial  care 
hose  of  con- 
s'de  la  Sala, 
an  do  Meu- 
nsieris,  who 
lie  Loudo,  a 
aron,  native 
is'  do  Tiano, 
"^  Vipar,  who 

►lajosty. 
DO  Giles. 


TO  A   lioYAL 
S  CaI'TUKKD, 


APrENDIX. 


IG') 


ity  of  Cadiz, 
cd  by  your 
Juan  Florin 
ar,  Antoni  > 
in  I'i'roz  do 
ains  of  their 
se  who  oap- 
rolate,  and 
etly  to  their 


■ ;, 


■,^ 


galleons,  and  to  my  roijnirenient  they  answered  that  they 
would  keep  him  in  satlMy,  (hat  thoy  desired  all  fur  your 
service;  and  this  notwithstanding  that  the  -^iiid  Juan  Florin 
promised  them  thirty  thousand  ducats  to  ije  released.  Tiio 
captains  of  the  fleet  of  I'ortugal  who  were  cruising  at  sea 
in  (|uest  of  him  at  the  siime  [>laco  in  which  he  wa;*  taken 
also  oUbred  ten  thousand  ducats  for  him  that  they  might 
take  him  to  their  king,  and  other  otters  were  made,  uouo  of 
which  they  would  accept,  but,  unitedly,  with  the  sheritr 
of  that  city,  took  him  to  V^our  Majesty,  like  good  and  loyal 
servants.  And  wliei»  they  arrivod  at  Puerto  .lei  Pico,  find- 
ing Your  Majesty  had  coiunianded  that  he  and  liis  said  ac- 
complices should  be  given  up  to  me  at  once,  they  delivered 
and  I  executed  the  law  upon  them. 

Those  captains  have  sustained  much  injury  and  have 
been  at  much  cost,  as  I  am  witness.  They  arrived  with 
their  ships  broken,  the  sails  rent,  the  castles  carried  away, 
riiey  had  spent  much  in  munition  and  powder,  and  for  the 
sustenance  of  those  French  before  they  delivered  them  to 
tne.  \Vhe!i  tliey  arrived  in  the  bay  they  were  greatly  re- 
duced and  hungered,  having  exhausted  their  stores  by  'Av- 
ing  to  the  Fx-ench.  Aruch  would  it  be  for  the  service  of 
You;'  Majesty  that  those  Captains  should  be  satisfied  for 
tlieir  losses  and  rewarded  which  I  iiave  promised  them,  as 
Your  Highness  desired  by  your  cedula,  tliat  others  seeing 
how  they  are  honored  may  bo  encouraged  in  the  royal  ser- 
vice. Thus  much  I  entreat  that  Your  Majesty  will  order 
done  for  the  loyalty  I  know  those  ca['tain3  bear  to  your 
service,  and  because  they  are  persons  by  whom  you  may 
be  much  served. 

S.  C.  C.  M".     I  kisw  the  sacred  feet  of  your  Jlighness. 

LicKNCiADo  Giles. 


22 


170 


VEKRAZZANTO. 


VI. 


TlIB'VERilAZZANO   LETTER  ACCOnDlNO  TO  TUT.  OrICIXAL 

Version. 

Translated  by  Pr.  J,  (}.  Ci)t;-<\vi.H,  Iroiii  ii  cupy  (if  iho  MS.  in  tho  Mafflifil>*clilnn  lihrary 

iu  Klort'tico.  (iiiil  printoil  in  tlie  (  i>lU<tiiiiih  oC  tho  Ni-w  Vnrli  Uli^torical 

Sucii'ly.    Second  Si-rles.     Vol.  1,  pj).  U-51. 

Captain  John  de  VERKAzZi\xo  to  His  Most  Serene 
Majesty  the  King  of  France,  writes: ' 

Since  the  tempests  which  wo  ouconntcrcd  on  the  nortli- 
ern  coasts,  I  have  not  written  to  your  most  Serene  and 
Christian  iNJujesty  concerning  the  four  ships  sent  out  hy 
your  orders  on  the  ocean  to  discover  new  lands,  hecause  I 
thdUglit  you  niust  have  hcon  hef'nrc  a}>prized  of  all  that  had 
liappcned  to  us  —  that  we  had  been  compelled  hy  the  im- 
petuous violence  ol'the  winds  to  put  into  Brittany  in  distress 
with  only  the  two  ships  Normandy  and  Dolphin ;  ^  and  that 
after  having  repaired  these  ships,  wo  made  a  cruise  in  thori, 
well  armed,  along  the  coast  ot'  Spain,  as  yonr  Majesty  must 
have  heard,  and  also  of  our  new  phm  of  continuing  our 
begun  voyage  with  the  .Dolphin  alone;  t'rom  this  voyage 
being  now  returned,  I  proceed  to  give  your  Majesty  an  ac- 
count of  our  discoveries. 


'  Tliis  introiluction  reiids  in  ilie  cin!;ln;il ;  "  Captiiin  .(nlm  da  Verrazzaiio 
Florentine,  of  yonicnidji,  to  tlui  niosl  Hcroiie  t'niwn  of  Frniicc,  if^lnlcs-  " 

'TliL'  signification  of  Dolfina,  tlio  name  of  tlu-  Vt'iTuzziino  shij)  of  dis- 
covery, is  dirtViTiitly  iriven  liy  the  triinslators.  Ilakluyl  rruiUiv  it  into 
Jjii.ulisli  by  till'  word  Dolphin,  ninl  Dr.  C'o^swoH  here  does  tliehainc.  IJut, 
this  is  not  correct.  The  Ilaliun  (or  dnjplijn  iw  (hlfiw  ;  wliieli  alsosignillis 
the  (hinpiiiu,  or  oldtwl  sou  of  the  iiing  of  France,  so  called  hecause  upon 
the  cession  of  Dauphiny  tt)  the  crown  of  France,  he  became  entitled  to 
\\x\.i'  the  armorial  device,  which  was  a  dolphin,  of  the  priueeh  of  that  pro- 
vince. Di'lliaa  is  the  feniinine  noun  ol  DelJino,  iu  that  sense,  that  is, 
the  Daui)liiiie.ss.  M.  Maiirry  has  so  iimrpieted  it  in  this  caSe,  and  accord- 
ingly jrives  the  vessel  tlie  .lame  of  niiuphiue  '  AVnv  Fm/;,,  2IMI),  whieii,  as 
she  is  ri'iireseuled  to  have  belouged  to  France,  woukl  have  beou  her  actual 
name.  , 


Oiur.iNML 


iftliK'liiiin  library 
Ii<l,(inc8l 


ost   Serene 

1  tlu!  nortli- 
^cronc  and 
sent  out  by 
i,  because  I 
all  that  had 

by  the  hn- 
y  in  distress 

*  and  that 
iaeiji  theri, 
ijoaty  must 
inuiug  our 
this  voyage 
jesty  an  ae- 


ilit  Verrazzauo 
nee,  rcliili'S:  " 
IK)  ship  of  dis- 
riKlii>  it  into 

In' Miino.      Jjlil, 

li  iilsosigiiilUs 
Ijncanse  updn 
mi:  I'lilillctl  lo 
:i'b  of  that  jiro- 
scnse,  thut  is, 
'i',  Hiiil  accDi'tl- 
20(1),  wliidi,  IIS 
II  liiT  acUiul 


Al'l'KNDIX. 


171 


On  the  17lh  of  hist  January  we  set  sail  Iroiu  a  desohite 
rock  near  the  island  of  Madeira,  belonging  to  his  most 
Serene  Majesty  the  Xing  of  Portugal,  with  tifty  man,  hav- 
ing provisions  siifHeient  for  eight  Uionths,  arms  and  other 
warlike  munition  and  juival  stores.  Hailing  westward  with 
a  light  and  pleasant  (Easterly  breeze,  in  twenty-live  days  we 
ran  eight  hundred  leagues.  On  the  24th  of  February  we 
cneoujitered  as  violent  a  hurrieane  as  any  ship  ever  weath- 
ered, from  whieh  we  escaped  unhurt  by  the  divine  assist- 
anec  and  goodness,  to  the  praise  of  the  glurious  and 
fortunate  name  of  our  good  ship,  that  had  been  able  to 
support  the  violent  tossing  of  the  waves.  Pursuing  our 
voyage  towards  tlic  west,  a  little  nortliwardly,  in  twt.'uty- 
fuur  days  more,  having  run  four  hundretl  leagues,  wo 
reached  a  new  countrv,  which  had  never  before  been  seen 
by  any  one,  either  in  ancient  or  modern  times.  At  first  it 
ap[)eared  to  be  very  low,  but  on  approaching  it  to  within 
a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  shore  we  perceived,  by  the 
great  fires  near  tlie  coast,  that  it  was  inhabited.  We  per- 
ceived that  it  stretched  to  the  sduth,  and  coastiul  along  in 
that  direction  in  search  of  some  port,  in  which  we  might 
con..;  to  anchor,  and  examine  into  the  natureof  the  country, 
but  for  tifty  leagues  we  could  lind  none  in  which  we  could 
lie  securely.  Seeing  the  coast  still  stretched  to  the  south, 
we  resolved  to  change  our  course  and  stand  to  the  north- 
ward, and  as  we  still  had  the  same  dilHcuJty,  wo  drew  in 
with  the  land  and  sent  a  boat  on  shore.  Many  people  who 
were  seen  coming  to  the  seivside  tied  at  our  approach,  but 
occasionally  stopping,  they  looked  back  upon  us  with 
astonishment,  and  some  were  at  length  induced,  by  various 
friendly  signs,  to  come  to  us.  These  showed  the  greatest 
delight  on  beholding  us,  wondering  at  our  dress,  counte- 
nances and  complexion.  They  then  showed  us  by  signs 
where  we  could  more  conveniently  secure  our  boat,  and 
oifered  us  some  of  tlu'ir  provisions.  That  your  Majesty  may 
know  all  that  we  learned,  while  on  sl).,re,  of  tlu'ii- nuiniiers 
and  customs  of  life,  I  will  relate  what  we  saw  as  briefly  as 
possible.  They  go  entirely  naked,  except  that  about  the 
loins  t.he>'  wear  skins  of  sm.'ill  animals,  like  martens  fast- 
ened by  a.  girdle  of  plaited  grass,  to  whieh  thoy  tie,  all  round 


172 


VKUKAZZANO. 


the  ])()(ly,  tlic  liiils  ofotliiT  aiiiiiiiiU  liiiii<;'iiii^'  down  to  tlio 
kiiecH  :  all  ofJiur  parts  ol' tlio  body  and  tlii'  head  lU'o  nuki^d. 
Some  woar  ifurlands  similar  to  birds'  I'eatherrt. 

Tlio  (."omploxion  of  tbcrio  people  is  black,  not  mucli  dif- 
foreiit  IVom  that  of  the  Kthiopiana;  their  liair  is  black  and 
thick,  and  not  very  loni(,  it  is  worn  tied  backnpon  the  head 
in  the  tbr?n  of  a  little  tail.  In  person  they  are  of  good  i)ro- 
])ortions,  of  middle  stature,  a  little  al)ove  our  own,  broad 
across  the  breast,  strong  in  the  arms,  and  well  formed  in 
the  legs  and  other  parts  of  the  body;  the  only  exception 
to  their  good  looks  is  that  they  liave  1)road  faci's,  but  not 
all,  however,  as  we  saw  numy  thai  had  shiu-[)  ones,  with 
large  black  eyes  and  a  tixed  exprfission.  They  are  not 
verv  st.?'ong  in  bodv,  but  acute  in  mind,  active  and  swift 
of  foot,  as  far  as  we  could  Judge  by  observation.  In  these 
last  two  particulars  they  resemble  the  people  of  the  cast, 
especially  tlioae  the  most  remote.  We  could  not  learn  a 
great  many  particulars  of  their  usages  on  account  of  our 
short  stay  among  them  and  the  distance  of  our  shiji  from 
the  slu:)ro. 

We  found  not  far  from  this  people  another  whose  mode 
of  lil'f  we  juilged  to  he  similar.  The  wliole  slioro  is  co- 
vered with  fine  r-and,  about  iifteen  feet  thick,  rising  in  tlio 
form  of  little  hills  about  fifty  paces  broad..  As<'ending 
farther,  we  fouiul  several  arms  of  the  sea  whicli  make 
'<'.  through  iidets,  washing  the  sliores  on  both  sides  as  the 
coast  runs.  An  outstretched  country  appears  at  a  little 
distance  rising  somewhat  above  the  sandv  shore  in  heauti- 
ful  fields  and  lu'oad  plains,  covered  with  immense  forests 
of  trees,  nujre  or  less  dense,  too  various  in  colours,  and  too 
delightful  and  charming  in  api'carance  to  be  described.  1 
do  not  believe  that  they  are  like  tlu;  irenynian  forest  or 
the  roui'h  wilds  of  Scythia,  and  the  northern  reirions  full 
of  vines  aiul  common  trees,  but  adorned  with  palms,  hiurels, 
cypresses,  and  other  varieties  unknown  in  Eurojie,  that 
send  fortli  the  sweetest  fragrance  to  a  great  distance,  but 
which  we  could  not  examine  more  closely  for  the  reasons 
before  given,  and  not  on  account  of  any  ditliculty  in  tr;i- 
veraing  the  woods,  which,  on  the  contrary,  are  easily 
penetrated. 


Al'l'ENDIX. 


173 


iwii  to  tlio 
arc  naked. 

iniich  dil- 
s  l)l;u'k  ami 
111  tlio  liesid 
f  g'ood  pro- 
iwn,  broad 
I  f'ormud  in 
'  exception 
is,  but  not 

ones,  with 
ley  are  not 
e  and  swift 
.  In  tbewe 
Df  tlie  east, 
not  learn  a 
)unt  of  our 
!■  ship  from 

hose  mode 
shore  is  eo- 
sing  in  tlie 
Ascending 
hieh  make 
lides  as  the 
at  a  little 
in  beariti- 
nse  forests 
rs,  and  too 
scribed.  1 
1  forest  or 
L'gions  full 
ns,  laurels, 
rojie,  that 
taiice,  bnt 
he  reasons 
Ity  in  tra- 
are    easily 


As  the  "  East '"  stretches  around  this  country.  1  think  it 
cannot  be  devoid  ol'the  same  nKMlicinal  and  aromatic  drugs, 
and  various  riches  of  gold  and  the  like,  as  is  deiiott'd  by 
the  colour  of  the  ground.  It  abounds  also  in  animals,  as 
deer,  stags,  hares,  and  many  other  similar,  and  with  a  great 
variety  of  birds  for  every  kind  of  pleasant  and  delightful 
sports.  Jt  is  [)leiitifully  su[>plicd  with  lakes  and  ponds  of 
running  water,  and  being  in  the  latitude  of  34.  the  air  is 
salubrious,  pure  and  temperate,  and  free  from  the  extremes 
of  both  heat  and  cold.  There  are  no  vioh^nt  winds  in  these 
regions,  the  most  prevaleal  arc  the  north-west  and  west.  In 
summer,  the  season  in  which  we  were  tlnu-e,  tlie  sky  is  clear, 
with  but  little  rain  :  if  fogs  and  mists  are  at  any  tinn!  driven 
in  by  the  south  wind,  they  are  instantaneously  dissipated," 
and  at  once  it  becomes  serene  and  l);-ight  again.  The  s(;a 
is  calm,  not  boisterous,  and  its  waves  are  gentle.  Although 
the  whole  coast  is  low  and  without  harbours,  it  is  not  dan- 
gerous for  navigation,  being  free  from  rocks  and  l)old,  so 
that  within  lour  or  tive  fathoms  IVom  the  siiore  there  is 
twenty-four  feet  oi'  water  at  all  times  of  tide,  and  this  depth 
constantly  increases  in  a  uniform  proportion.  The  hold- 
ing ground  is  so  good  that  no  ship  can  part  her  cable, 
however  violent  the  wind,  as  we  proved  by  experience ; 
for  while  riding  at  anchor  on  the  coast,  we  were  overtaken 
by  a  gale  in  the  beginning  of  March,  when  the  winds  are 
high,  as  is  usual  in  all  countries,  we  Ibund  our  anchor 
broken  before  it  started  from  its  hold  or  moved  at  all. 

AVe  set  sail  from  this  [)laee,  continuing  to  coast  along 
the  shore,  which  we  Ibund  stretching  out  to  the  west  (ea^t?); 
the  inhabitants  being  numerous,  we  saw  everywhere  a 
multitude  of  tiros.  While  at  anchor  on  this  coast,  there 
being  no  harbour  to  enter,  we  sent  the  boat  on  shore  with 
twenty-tive  men  to  obtain  water,  but  it  was  not  possibU-  to 
land  without  end:»ngering  the  boat,  on  account  of  the  im- 
mense high  surf  thrown  up  by  the  sea,  as  it  was  an  open 
roadstead.  Many  of  the  natives  came  to  the  beach,  indicat- 
ing by  various  friendly  signs  that  we  might  trust  ourselves 
on  shore.  One  of  tlu'ir  ii()l)le  deeds  of  iVieiidship  deserves 
to  be  made  known  to  your  Majesty.  A  young  sailor  was 
attempting  to  swim  ashore  through  the  surf  to  carry  them 


174 


VKKKAZZANO. 


Hoiuo  kiiifI<-kn;icl<.-(,  as  littlo  1»o1Ih,  lookiii^-_t;liiHHOH,  and 
otfior  liki'  trilh'rt;  wlit^u  he  ciiiiu.'  noiir  tlirce  or  four  of  thora 
lio  toaaod  tho  tilings  to  them,  and  turned  about  to  get  back 
to  tlie  boat,  but  he  was  thrown  over  by  the  wuvea,  and  ao 
durflied  by  thoni  tliat  he  hiy  as  it  were  dead  ni»on  the  beach. 
When  tliesc  people  saw  him  in  this  situation,  they  ran  and 
took  him  up  by  the  head,  legs  and  arms,  and  carried  him 
to  a  distance  from  the  surf;  the  young  man,  linding  him- 
self borne  oil"  in  this  way  uttered  very  loud  shrieks  in  fear 
and  dismay,  while  they  answered  as  they  could  in  their 
language,  showing  him  that  he  had  no  cause  for  fear. 
Afterwards  they  laid  him  down  at  the  foot  of  a  little  hill, 
when  they  took  oif  his  shirt  and  trowBcrs,  and  examined 
him,  expressing  tho  greatest  astonishment  at  the  whiteness 
of  his  skin.  Our  sailors  i!i  the  boat  toeing  a  great  lire 
nuide  up,  and  their  companion  placed  very  near  it,  full  of 
fear,  as  is  usual  in  all  eases  of  novelty,  imagined  that  tho 
natives  were  abtMit  to  roast  him  for  food.  Hut  as  Hoon  #fi 
he  had  recovered  his  strength  after  a  short  stay  with  them, 
showing  by  signs  that  he  wished  to  return  aboard,  they 
hugged  him  with  great  aifection,  and  accompanied  him  to 
the  shore,  then  leaving  him,  that  he  might  led  more  secure, 
they  withdrew  to  a  litth;  hill,  from  which  they  watched 
him  a)ilil  he  was  safe  in  the  boat.  This  young  man  re- 
marked that  these  people  were  black  like  the  others,  that 
they  had  shining  skins,  middle  stature,  and  sharper  faces, 
and  very  delicate  bodies  and  limbs,  ami  that  tln-y  were  in- 
ferior in  strength,  but  (piiek  in  their  minds;  this  is  all  that 
hedjj^served  of  them. 

Deitarting  hence,  and  always  following  the  shore,  which 
stretched  to  the  north,  we  came,  in  the  space  of  fifty  leagues, 
to  another  land,  which  apjieared  very  beautiful  and  full  of 
the  largest  forests.  We  approached  it,  and  going  ashore 
with  twenty  men,  we  went  back  from  tke  coast  about  two 
leagues,  and  found  that  the  people  had  fled  and  hid  them- 
selves in  the  woods  for  fear.  liy  searching  around  we  dis- 
(;overed  in  the  grass  a  very  old  wonuui  and  a  young  girl 
of  about  eighteen  or  twenty,  who  had  concealed  theniselves 
for  the  same  roasoM  ;  the  old  woman  carried  two  infants 
on  her  shoulders,  and   behind  her  neck  a  little  boy  eight 


APFLNniX. 


Mo 


yonrfl  of  nu^o ;  wlion  wo  came  uj)  to  thcni  tlioy  l)oi,'iiii  to 
shriek  uiid  iiiako  si^iis  to  the  men  vvlio  had  tU.'d  to  the  woodd. 
Wo  gave  them  a  part  of  our  provisions,  whieh  they  aeeeptod 
with  delight,  hut  the  girl  wouUl  not  touch  any  r,  every  thing 
wo  otlbred  to  licr  being  tlirovvn  down  in  great  anger.  Wo 
tooI<  the  little  boy  from  the  old  woman  to  carry  with  us  to 
France,  and  wouhl  have  taken  the  girl  also,  wlio  was  very 
beautiful  and  very  tall,  but  it  was  impossible  because  of  the 
loud  shrieks  she  uttered  as  we  attempted  to  lead  her  away; 
having  to  pass  some  woods,  and  being  far  from  the  rthi[», 
we  determined  to  leave  her  and  take  the  boy  oidy.  We 
found  them  fairer  than  the  others,  and  wearing  a  covering 
made  of  certain  plants,  which  hung  down  from  the  brajiches 
of  the  trees,  tying  them  together  with  tlireads  of  wild 
liemp ;  their  heads  are  without  covering  and  of  the  same 
shape  as  the  others.  Their  food  is  a  kind  of  pulse  which 
there  abounds,  different  in  colour  and  size  from  ours,  and  of 
a  very  delicious  Havour.  Besiiles  they  take  birds  and  fish 
for  food,  u.sing  snares  and  bows  made  of  hard  wood,  with 
reeds  for  arrows,  in  the  ends  of  which  they  [)Ut  the  bones  of 
fish  and  otlier  animals.  The  animals  in  these  regions  are 
wilder  than  in  Europe  from  being  continually  molested  by 
the  hunters.  We  saw  nuiny  of  their  boats  made  of  one 
tree  twenty  feet  long  and  four  feet  broad,  without  the  aid 
of  stone  or  iron  or  other  kind  of  metal.  In  the  whole 
country,  for  the  space  of  two  hundred  leagues,  which  we 
visited,  we  saw  no  stone  of  any  sort.  To  hollow  out  their' 
l)oats  they  burn  out  as  much  of  a  log  as  is  requisite,  and 
also  from  the  })rovv  and  stern  to  make  them  tloat  well  on 
the  sea.  The  land,  in  situation,  fertility  and  beauty,  is  like 
the  other,  abounding  also  in  forests  tilled  with  various  kinds 
of  trees,  but  not  of  such  fragrance,  as  it  is  more  northern 
and  colder. 

We  saw  in  this  country  many  vines  growing  naturally, 
which  entwine  about  the  trees,  and  run  up  ujjon  them  as 
they  do  in  the  plains  of  Lombardy.  These  vines  would 
doubtless  produce  excellent  wine  if  they  were  properly 
cultivated  and  attended  to,  as  we  have  often  seen  the  grapes 
which  they  produce  very  sweet  and  pleasant,  and  not  un- 
like our  own.     They  must  be  held  in  estimation  by  them, 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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WEBSTER,  NY    14580 

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176 


VERRAZZANO. 


as  they  carctully  remove  the  shrubbery  from  aroimd  them, 
wherever  they  grow,  to  iillov/  the  truit  to  ripen  better.  We 
IVmiid  also  wiUl  roses,  violets,  lilies,  and  many  sorts  ofplants 
and  fragrant  Howers  diiferent  frojii  our  own.  We  eunnot 
describe  their  habitjitions,  as  tliey  are  in  the  interior  of  the 
country,  but  from  vcrious  indications  we  conclude  they 
must  be  formed  of  trees  and  shrubs.  We  saw  also  many 
grounds  for  conjecturing  that  they  often  s1(h>}>  in  tlie  open 
air,  v.'ithout  any  covering  but  the  sky.  Of  their  other 
usages  .we  know  nothing  ;  we  believe,  however,  that  all 
the  people  we  were  among  live  in  the  same  way. 

.After  having  remained  here  three  davs,  ridiiij;  at  anchor 
Oii  the  ''mst,  fiK  we  couhl  find  no  lii^rljour,  we  determined 
to  depart,  and  coast  along  the  shore  to  the  north-east,  keep- 
ing ii'iil  on  the  vessel  only  by  (hiy,  and  coining  to  anchor 
by  .iight.  After  proceeding  one  Imndrcd  leagues,  we  found 
a  very  pleasant  situation  among  some  steep  hills,  through 
which  a  very  large  river,  deeji  at  its  mouth,  forced  its  way 
to  the  sea;  from  the  sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  river,  any 
ship  heavily  laden  might  jtass,  with  the  he]i»  of  the  tide, 
which  rises  eight  feet.  Bui  as  we  were  riding  at  anchor 
in  a  good  berth,  we  would  not  venture  up  in  our  vessel, 
without  a  knowledge  o(  the  mouth  ;  therefore  we  took  the 
boat,  and  entering  the  river,  we  fuund  the  country  on 
its  banks  well  peopled,  the  irdiabitants  not  diftering  much 
from  the  others,  being  dressed  out  with  feathers  of  birds 
of  various  colours.  They  caine  towards  us  with  evident 
delight,  raising  loud  shouts  of  admiration,  an<l  showing  us 
where  we  could  moat  securely  land  with  our  boat.  We 
})assed  up  this  river,  about  half  a  league,  when  we  found  it 
formed  a  most  beautiful  lake  three  leagues  in  circuit,  upon 
which  they  were  rowing  thirty  or  more  of  their  small  boats, 
from  one  shore  to  the  other,  tilled  with  multitudes  who 
came  to  see  us.  All  of  a  sudden,  as  is  wont  to  happen  to 
navigators,  a  viohnit  contrary  wind  blew  in  from  tVie  sea, 
and  forced  us  to  return  to  our  ship,  greatly  regretting  to 
leave  this  region  which  seemed  so  comiuodious  and  de- 
lightful, ami  which  we  su{)i)osed  must  also  contain  great 
riches,  as  the  hills  showed  many  indications  of  minerals. 
Weighing  anchor,  we  sailed  cighti/  (ottanta)  leagues  towards 


!■■   i«-<i  iiiii<iiUi.Mrr  ■V^UiJ'i  tfti 


Y.Mii,  ^,ari-i-Mi.,<i« 


API'EN'DIX. 


177 


the  east,  as  the  coast  stretched  in  that  direction,  and  always 
in  sight  ofit;  at  length  we  (liseovered  an  island  of  a  triangu- 
lar form,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  mainland,  in  size  ahout 
e(jual  to  the  ishiiid  of  Rliodes,  hnving  many  hills  covered 
with  trees,  and  well  peopled.  Judging  from  the  great  num- 
ber of  fires  which  we  saw  all  around  its  shores;  we  gave 
it  the  name  of  your  Majesty's  inustrious  mother. 

We  did  not  land  there,  as  the  weather  was  unfavourable, 
but  proceeded  to  another  place,  fifteen  leagues  distant  from 
the  island,  where  we  I'ound  a  very  excellent  harbour,  liefore 
entering  it,  we  saw  about  twenty  small  boats  full  of  people, 
who  came  about  our  ship,  uttering  many  cries  of  astonish- 
ment, but  they  would  not  approach  nearer  than  within  fifty 
paces ;  stopping,  they  looked  at  the  structure  of  our  ship, 
our  persons  and  dress,  afterwards  they  all  raised  a  loud 
shout  together,  signifying  that  they  were  pleased.  By 
imitating  their  signs,  we  inspired  them  in  some  measure 
with  confidence,  so  that  tliey  came  near  enough  for  us  to 
toss  to  them  some  little  bells  and  glasses,  and  many  toys, 
which  they  .took  and  looked  at,  laughing,  and  then  came 
on  board  without  fear.  Among  them  were  two  kings 
more  beautiful  in  form  and  stature  tlian  can  possibly  be 
described  ;  one  was  about  forty  years  old,  the  other  about 
twentj'-four,  and  they  were  dressed  in  the  following  man- 
ner: The  oldest  had  a  deer's  skin  around  his  body,  arti- 
ficially wrought  in  damasl:  figures,  his  head  was  without 
covering,  his  hair  was  tied  back  in  various  knots;  around 
his  neck  he  wore  a  large  chain  ornamented  with  numy 
stones  of  different  cQlours.  The  young  man  was  similar 
in  his  general  appearance.  This  is  the  finest  looking  tribe, 
and  the  hatidsomest  in  their  costumes,  that  we  have  found  . 
in  our  voyage.  They  exceed  us  in  size,  and  they  are  of  a  very 
fair  comi)lexion  (?) ;  some  of  them  incline  more  to  a  white 
(bronze ?),  and  others  to  a  tawny  colour;  their  faces  are 
sharp,  their  hair  long  and  black,  upon  the  adorning  of 
which  they  bestow  great  pains;  their  eyes  are  blaek  and 
sharp,  their  expression  mild  and  pleasant,  greatly  resem- 
brmg  the  antique.  I  say  nothing  to  your  Majesty  of  the 
other  parts  of  thi  body,  which  are  all  in  gojd  pr')portion, 
L':{ 


178 


VERHAZZANO. 


and  such  as  belong  to  well-formed  men.  Their  women 
ane  of  the  same  form  and  beauty,  very  graceful,  of  fine 
countenances  and  pleasing  appearance  in  manners  and 
modesty;  they  wear  no  clothing  except  a  deer  skin,  orna- 
mented like  those  worn  by  the  men  ;  some  wear  very  rich 
lynx  skins  njion  their  arms,  and  various  ornaments  upon 
their  heads,  composed  of  braids  of  hair,  which  also  hang 
down  upon  their  breasts  on  each  side.  Others  wear  differ- 
ent ornaments,  such  as  the  women  of  Egypt  and  Syria  use. 
Tlie  older  and  the  married  people,  both  men  and  women, 
wear  many  ornaments  in  their  ears,  hanging  down  in  the 
oriental  maimer.  We  saw  upon  them  several  pieces  of 
wrought  copper,  which  is  more  esteemed  by  them  than 
gold,  as  this  is  not  valued  on  account  of  its  colour,  but  ia 
considered  by  them  as  the  mo.st  ordinary  of  the  metals  — 
yellow  being  the  colour  especially  disliked  by  them  ;  azure 
and  red  are  those  in  highest  estimation  with  them.  Of 
those  things  which  we  gave  them,  they  prized  njost  highly 
tlie  bells,  azure  crystals,  and  other  toys  to  hang  in  their 
ears  and  about  their  necks ;  they  do  not  valuo.or  care  to 
have  silk  or  gold  stulfs,  or  other  kinds  of  cloth,  nor  imple- 
ments of  steel  or  iroy.  When  we  showed  them  our  arms, 
they  expressed  no  admiration,  and  only  asked  how  they 
were  made  ;  the  same  was  the  case  with  tlie  looking-glasses, 
which  they  returned  to  us,  smiling,  as  soon  as  they  had 
looked  at  them.  They  are  vefy^  generous,  giving  away 
whatever  thoy  have.  We  formed  a  great  friendship  with 
them,  and  one  day  we  entered  into  the  port  with  our  ship, 
having  l)efore  rode  at  the  distance  of  a  league  from  the  sliore, 
as  the  weather  was  adverse.  They  came  oft'  to  the  ship  with 
a  number  of  theij-  little  boats,  with  their  faces  painted  in 
divers  colours,  showing  us  real  signs  of  joy,  bringing  us 
of  their  provisions,  and  signityiiig  to  us  where  we  could 
bestride  in  safety  with  our  ship;  and  keeping  with  us  until 
we  had  cast  anchor.  We  renuiined  aniong  them  fifteen 
days,  to  provide  ourselves  with  many  things  of  which  we 
were  in  want,  <luriiig  which  time  they  came  every  day  to 
see  our  ship,  bringing  with  them  their  wives,  of  whom 
they  were  very  careful ;  for,  although  they  came  on  board 
themselves,  and  remained  a  long  while,  they  made  their 


APPENDIX. 


17U 


wives  stiiy  in  the  boats,  nor  could  we  ever  get  them  on 
board  by  any  entreaties  or  any  presents  we  could  make 
them.  One  ol"  the  two  kin^js  often  came  with  his  ([ueen 
and  many  attendants,  to  see  us  for  his  amusement  >  but  he 
always  stopped  at  the  distance  of  about  two  hundred  paces 
and  sent  a  boat  to  inform  us  of  his  intended  visit,  saying 
they  would  come  and  see  our  ship — this  was  done  for  safety, 
and  as  soon  as  they  hud  an  answer  from  us  they  came  off, 
and  remained  awhile  to  look  aronnd ;  but  on  hearing  the 
annoying  cries  of  the  sailors,  the  king  sent  the  queen,  with 
her  attendants,  in  a  very  light  boat,  to  wait,  near  an  island 
a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  us,  while  he  remained  a 
long  time  on  board,  talking  with  us  by  signs,  and  express- 
ing his  fanciful  notions  about  every  thing  in  the  ship,  and 
asking  the  use  of  all.  After  imitating  our  modes  of  saluta- 
tion, jind  tasting  our  food,  he  courteously  took  leave  of  us. 
Somet'mes,  when  our  men  staid  two  or  three  days  on  a 
small  island,  near  the  ship,  for  their  various  necessities,  as 
sailors  are  wont  to  do,  he  came  with  seven  or  eight  of  his 
attendants,  to  enquire  about  our  movements,  often  asking 
Us  if  we  intended  to  remain  there  long,  and  offering  us 
every  thing  at  his  command,  and  then  he  would  shoot  with 
his  bow,  ami  run  up  and  down  with  his  ]»eople,  making 
great  siiort  for  us.  We  often  went  five  or  six  leagues  into 
the  interior,  and  found  the  country  as  pleasant  as  is  possi- 
ble to  conceive,  adapted  to  cultivation  of  every  kind, 
whether  of  corn,  mrxe  or  oil ;  there  are  open  plains  twenty- 
fivj»  or  thirty  leagues  \n  extent,  entirely  free  fron)  trees  or 
other  hinderances,  and  of  so  great  fertility,  that  whatever 
is  sown  there  will  yield  an  excellent  crop.  On  entering 
the  woods,  we  observed  that  they  might  all  be  traversed  by 
aa  army  ever  so  numerous ;  the  trees  of  which  they  were 
com[»08ed,  were  oaks,  C3'pres*!es,  and  others,  unknown  in 
Europe.  We  found,  also,  apples,  i)lumijs,  filljerts,  and 
many  other  fruits,  but  all  of  a  different  kind  from  ours. 
The  animals,  which  are  in  great  numbers,  as  stiigs,  deer, 
lynxes,  and  many  other  siiecies,  are  taken  by  snares,  and 
by  bows,  the  latter  being  their  chief  imi»lement:  their 
arrows  are  wrought  with  great  beauty,  and  for  the  heads 
of  them,  they  use  emery,  jasper,  hard  marble,  and  other 


180 


VKKHAZZANO. 


sharp  stones,  in  the  placo  of  iron.  Thoy  also  use  the  sanie 
kiml  of  slmrp  .stonoH  in  cutting  down  trees,  an«l  with  them 
they  construct  their  boats  of  single  logs,  hollowed  out  with 
admirable  skill,  and  Huflioiently  commodious  to  contain 
ten  or  twelve  persons;  their  oars  are  short,  and  broa<l  at 
the  end,  and  arc  managed  in  rowing  by  force  of  the  arms 
alone,  with  perfect  ..erurity,  and  as  nimbly  as  they  choose. 
We  saw  their  dwellings,  which  are  of  a  circular  form,  of 
about  ten  or  twelve  [taces  in  circumference,  made  of  logs 
sjilit  in  halves,  without  any  regularity  of  architecture,  and 
covered  Avith  roofs  of  straw,  nicely  put  on,  which  protect 
them  from  wind  and  rain.  There  is  no  doubt  that  they 
would  build  stately  ediliccs  if  they  hud  workmen  as  skilful 
as  ours,  for  the  whole  sea-coast  abounds  in  shining  stones, 
crystals,  and  alabaster,  and  for  the  same  reason  it  has  jKjrts 
and  retreats  for  animals.  They  change  'their  habitations 
from  place  to  place  as  circumstances  of  situation  and  sea- 
son may  require  ;  this  is  easily  done,  as  they  have  only  to 
take  with  them  their  mat.-*,  and  they  have  other  houses 
prepared  at  once.  The  father  and  the  whole  family  dwell 
together  in  one  house  in  great  numbi'rs ;  in  some  we  saw 
twenty-five  or  thirty  persons.  Their  food  is  pulse,  as  wilh 
the  other  tribes,  which  is  here  better  than  elsewhere,  and 
more  carefully  cultivated;  in  the  time  of  sowing  they  are 
governed  by  the  moon,  the  sprouting  of  grain,  and  many 
other  ancient  usages.  They  live  by  hunting  and  tit-hing, 
and  thi.y  are  long-lived.  If  they  fall  sick,  they  cure  theni- 
selves  without  medicine,  by  the  heat  of  the  lire,  and  their 
death  at  last  comes  from  extreme  old  age.  We  judge 
them  to  lie  very  aifcctionitte  and  charitable  towards  their 
relativt'S  —  making  loud  hinietitiitioiis  in  their  adversity, 
and  in  their  misery  calliiig  to  mind  all  their  good  fortune. 
At  their  departure  out  of  life,  their  relatit)ns  mutually  join 
in  weeping,  mingled  with  singing,  for  a  long  while.  This 
is  all  that  we  could  learn  of  them.  This  region  is  situated 
in  the  parallel  of  Kome,  beiiig  41^  40'  of  north  latitude, 
but  much  colder  froin  accidental  circumstatices,  and  not 
by  nature,  as  I  shall  hereafter  e.x]>lain  to  your  Majesty, 
and  confine  myself  at  present  to  the  description  uf  its  local 
situation.     It  looks  towards  the  south,  on  which  side  the 


Ari-ENDIX. 


181 


harbour  is  half  a  league  broad;  ul'terwardn  upon  entering  it, 
the  extent  between  the  m^t  (oricnte)  and  north  is  twelve 
leagues,'  and  then  enlarging  itself  it  fbrmH  a  very  largo 
bay,  twenty  leagues  in  eircuniferiiice,  in  nhicli  are  five 
small  it-landrt,  of  great  fertility  and  beauty,  eoverod  with 
large  and  lofty  trees.  Among  these  i.>lands  any  ileet,  how- 
ever large,  might  ride  safely,  without  fear  of  tempests  or 
other  dangers.  Turniug  towards  the  south,  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  harbour,  on  both  siiks,  there  are  very  pleiisjint 
hills,  iiU'l  many  streams  of  clear  water,  which  lluw  down 
to  the  sea.  In  the  midst  of  the  entratice  there  is  a  roek 
of  freestone,  formed  by  nature,  and  suitable  for  the  eon- 
Htruotion  of  any  kind  of  machine  or  bulwark  lor  the 
defence  of  the  harbour. 

Having  supplied  ourselvefl  with  every  thing  necessary, 
on  tho.sixM  (sei)  of  May  wo  departed  from  the  port,  and  sailed 
one  hundred  and  iifty  leagues,  kee))ing  so  close  to  the 
coast  as  nev(M'  to  lose  it  fnjni  onr  sight ;  the  nature  of  the 
country  appcarcu  innch  the  same  as  before,  but  the  moun- 
tiiins  were  a  little  higher,  and  all  in  appearance  rich  in 
minerals.  WV-  did  not  stop  to  land  as  the  weather  was 
very  llivourable  for  jiursuing  our  Vi)yage,  and  the  country 
prescnttMJ  no  variety.  The  shore  stretched  to  the  east, 
and  fifty  leagues  beyond  more  to  the  north,  where  we 
found  a  more  elevated  country,  full  of  very  thick  woods 
of  tir  trees,  cypresses  aiid  the  like,  indicative  of  a  c(>hl  cli- 
mate. The  peoyile  were  entirely  (litfcrcnt  from  the  others 
we  had  seen,  whom  we  hi'.d  found  kind  and  gentle,  but 
these  were  so  rude  and  barbarous  that  we  were  unable  bv 
any  signs  we  could  make,  to  hold  communication  with 
tliom.  They  clothe  themselv-'s  in  the  wkiiis  of  bears, 
lynxts,  seals  and  other  animals.  TInir  foo(l,  as  far  as  we 
could  judge, by  several  visits  to  their  dwellings,  is  obtained 
by  hunting  and  fishing,  and  fruits,  which  are  a  sort  of 
root  of  spontaneous  growth.  They  have  no  pulse,  and  we 
saw  no  signs  of  cultivation  ;  the  land  api)ear'^  sterile  and 
unfit  for  growing  of  fruit  or  grain  of  any  kind.  W  we 
wished  at  any  time  to  tralHck  with  them,  they  came  to 
the  sea  short!  und  stood  upon  the  rocks,  from  which  they 


'  Sec  (t/tfe,  p.  51,  liuti: 


182 


VEKHAZZANO. 


lowiTi'il  down  by  a  oonl  to  our  boiiti)  boneath  whiitevcr 
they  liiid  U)  barior,  continually  cryiuiij  out  to  us,  nut  to 
come  nearer,  and  instantly  duinandinsif  t'rDui  us  that  wliich 
was  to  be  ifiven  in  exchange ;  tliey  took  from  us  only 
knives,  lisli  hooks  and  Hbar}>ened  stcol.  No  regard  was 
paid  to  our  courtesies;  when  we  had  nothing  left  to  ex- 
change with  tla-in,  the  men  at  our  departure  made  the 
most  brutal  signs  of  disdain  tmd  contempt  possible. 
Against  their  will  we  penetratiul  two  or  three  leagues 
into  the  interior  with  twenty-tive  men  ;  when  we  came  to 
the  shore,  they  shot  at  us  witlj  their  arrows,  raising  the 
most  horrible  cries  and  afterwards  tleeing  to  the  woods. 
In  this  regiitn  we  found  nothing  extraordinary  except  vast 
forests  and  some  metalliferous  hills,  as  we  iiifur  from  see- 
ing that  many  of  the  people  wore  cojiper  ear-rings.  De- 
parting from  thonee,  we  kept  along  the  coast,  steering 
north-east,  and  found  the  country  more  pleasant  and  open, 
free  from  woods,  and  distant  in  the  interior  we  saw  lofty 
mountains,  but  none  which  extended  to  tlio  shore.  With- 
in iifty  leagues  we  discovered  thirty-two  islands,  all  near 
the  main  land,  small  and  of  pleasant  appearance,  but  high 
and  so  disposed  as  to  afford  excellent  harbours  and  chan- 
nels, as  we  see  in  the  Adriatic  gal[)h,  near  Illyria  and 
Dalmatia.  We  had  no  intercourse  with  the  people,  but 
we  judge  that  they  were  similar  in  nature  and  usages  to 
tliose  we  were  last  among.  After  sailing  between  east 
and  north  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues 
more,  and  finding  our  provisions  and  naval  stores  nearly 
exhausti'd,  we  took  in  wood  and  water  and  determined  to 
return  to  France,  having  «liscovered  502,'  that  is  700  (sic) 
leagues  of  uid<nown  lands. 

As  to  the  r(>ligious  faith  of  all  tho^e  tribes,  not  un  ler- 
standing  their  language,  we  could  notdi.scover  either  by 
sign  or  gestures  any  thing  certain.  It  seemed  to  us  that 
they  had  no  rcMigion  or  laws,  or  any  knowledge  of  a 
First  Cause  or  Mover,  that  they  worshipped  neither  the 
heavens,  stars,  sun,  moon  nor  other  planets ;  nor  could 
we  learn  if  they  were  givtui  to  any  kind  of  idolatry,  or 
offered   any   sacrifices  or  sup'i)lieations,  or  if  they  iiave 

'  Sec.  'tnti ,  |)  OS,  tioU-. 


ArPKNDIX. 


1S3 


wluitover 
13,  not  to 

hut  wliioh 
w  VH  only 
Jirard  was 
loft  to  ex- 
raade  the 

possible. 
Hi  leagues 
■e  ciime  to 
aising  tbo 
lie  woods, 
xecpt  vast 

from  seo- 
iigs.  De- 
;,  steering 
and  open, 

saw  lofty 
e.  Witll- 
9,  all  near 
,  but  high 
and  chan- 
llyria  and 
eopic,  but 

usages  to 
ween  east 
ty  leagues 
res  nearly 
rniined  to 
3  700  (sic) 

lot  un  ler- 
'  either  by 
to  us  that 
xlge  of  a 
leither  the 
nor  oould 
lohitry,  or 
tliov   have 


temples  or  houses  of  prayer  in  their  villages; — our  con- 
clusion was,  that  they  have  no  religious  belief  whatever, 
but  live  in  this  respect  entirely  free.  All  which  proceeds 
from  ignorance,  as  they  are  very  easy  to  be  persuaded, 
and  inutated  us  with  earnestnosH  and  ti-rvour  iu  all  which 
they  saw  us  do  as  Christians  in  our  acts  of  worship. 

It  remains  for  me  to  lay  before  your  Majesty  a  Cosmo- 
graphical  exposition  of  our  voyage.  Taking  our  depart- 
ure, as  I  before  observed,  from  thr;  above  iiieiitioiied  desc-rt 
rocks,  which  lie  on  the  extreme  verge  of  the  west,  as 
known  to  the  ancients,  in  the  meridian  of  the  Fortunate 
Islands,  and  in  the  latitude  ol'  :j2  degrees  north  from  the 
equator,  and  steering  a  westwanl  course,  we  Lad  run, 
when  Wo  tirst  made  land,  a  distance  of  1200  leagues  or 
4800  ra'lcs,  reckoning,  according  to  nautical  usage,  four 
miles  to  a  league.  This  distance  calculated  geometrically, 
upon  the  usual  ratio  of  the  diameter  to  the  circumference 
of  the  C:  .cle,  gives  02  degrees  ;  for  if  we  take  114  degrees 
as  the  chord  of  an  arc  of  a  great  circle,  wo  have  by  the 
same  ratio  95  deg.,  as  the  chord  of  an  arc  on  the  parallel 
of  34  degrees,  being  that  on  which  we  iirstniade  land,  and 
300  degrees  as  the  circumference  of  the  whole  circle  pass- 
ing through  this  plane.  Allowing  then,  as  actual  obser- 
vations show,  that  621  terrestrial  miles  c(*rrespond  to  a 
celestial  degree,  we  find  the  whole  circumference  of  800 
deg.,  as  just  given,  to  be  18,759  miles,  which  divided  by 
360,  makes  the  length  of  a  degree  of  longitude  in  the 
parallel  of  -U  degrees  to  be  52  miles,  and  that  is  the  true 
measure.  Upon  this  basis,  1200  leagues,  or  4800  miles 
meridional  di.-itance,  on  the  parallel  of  34,  give  92  degrees, 
and  so  many  therefore  have  we  sailed  farther  to  the  west 
than  was  known  to  the  ancients.  During  our  voyage  we 
had  no  lunar  eclipses  or  like  celestial  j.»lienonu'nas,  we 
therefore  determined  our  progress  from  the  difference  of 
longitude,  whicli  we  ascertained  by  various  instruments, 
by  taking  the  sun  s  altitude  from  day  to  day,  and  by 
calculating  geometrically  the  distance  run  by  the  ship 
from  one  horizon  to  another;  all  tliese  observations,  as 
also  the  ebb  and  How  of  the  sea  in  all  places,  w^e  noted 
in  a  little  book,  which  may  prove  syviceable  to  navi- 


184 


VKKHAZZAN'O. 


gfitorH;  tiny  aro  connminicateil  to  your  Miijosty  in  thtf 
hope  of  proiAotiiitf  Hcionce. 

My  intention  in  tliis  voyage  was  to  reach  Cathay,  on 
tlit'  ()xti<  iiH!  coast  of  Asia,  I'XiKctiiig  ho\v«)Vi;r,  to  tiiid  in 
tliw  newly  (liscovertnl  land  sonio  such  an  obt^ludo,  as  tln-y 
have  proved  to  he,  yet  I  did  not  doubt  that  I  whould 
|tonetrato  by  sonic  passai^o  to  tlio  eastern  ooean.  It  was 
the  opinion  oftlie  ancii'nls,  liiat  our  oriental  Indian  ocean 
IH  one  and  without  interjiositi^  land;  Arintutlc  supj'ortH 
it  l)y  arguments  I'ounilt.d  on  various  prolia])ilities ;  l»nt  it 
ia  contrary  to  that  of  the  nioderna  and  shown  to  be  errone- 
ous by  txpi'rienee ;  the  country  wliioli  has  been  diseo- 
V('n'(l,  an<l  wliifli  w;i-i  unknown  to  the  ancients,  is  anotlii'i- 
World  .•oini)are(l  witli  that  before  l<n<»wn,  beiuij^  Tnanil'estly 
larger  than  our  Kuroi>o,  tof^etlier  willi  Africa  and  perhapa 
Asia,  if  we  mi<jjht  ritchtly  estitnato  its  extent,  as  shall  now 
be  brielly  explained  to  your  Majesty.  The  Spaniards 
have  sailed  south  beyond  the  eijuator  on  a  rneridian  20 
detfreort  west  of  the  Fortmuite  Islands  to  the  latitude  of 
54,  and  there  still  found  land;  turning  about  they  steered 
lutrthward  on  tiie  same  mi-ridian  and  along  the  coast  to 
the  eighth  degree  of  latitude  iirai-  the  eipiator,  and  thenee 
along  the  coast  more  to  the  wesi  and  north-west,  to  the 
latitude  of  21",  without  tinding  a  termination  to  the  con- 
tinent; they  estimated  the.  distance  run  as  8!)  degrees, 
which,  added  to  the  2<»  first  run  west  of  the  Canaries, 
make  10!)  degrees  and  so  far  west  ;  they  sailed  from  the 
meridian  of  these  islaiuls,  but  this  may  vary  somewhat 
from  truth  ;  we  did  not  jtjake  this  voyage  and  therefore 
cannot  speak  from  experience;  we  calculated  it  geometri- 
eall,N  from  the  (>l)st'rvations  fnrni.-hed  by  many  navigators, 
who  have  made  the  voynge  and  alhrm  the  distance  to  be 
1(!<J0  leagues,  due  allowance  being  made  for  the  devia- 
tions of  the  ship  from  a  straight  course,  by  reaaon  of 
contrary  winds.  I  hope  that  we  shall  now  obtain  cei'tain 
information  on  these  points,  by  new  voyages  to  be  nnide 
on  the  same  (!oasts.  Ihit  to  return  to  ourselves;  in  the 
voyage  which  we  have  made  Ity  order  of  your  Majesty,  in 
addition  to  the  02  degrees  we  run  towards  the  west  trom 
our   point  of  departure,   before  wo   reached  land  in  the 


II  *  MO  I 


•4MIKOMWMW4M 


iim>i>  m»tn  mm  i 


Ai'l'KNDlX. 


185 


latltudo  of  .'{4,  wc  linvo  to  cotiiit  HOO  lon^uen  wliicli  w«  run 
nort,li-('aHt-\V!ir(llv     uinl    4<io    iioarlv  «'a.Ht  aloiiif  tin'  couhI 
I)rtbrtj  \vi'  naoliL-d  tlio  'jOtli  parallfl  of  north  latitii(l«%  thf 
point  wlierc  wo  turned  our  courne  from  tlio  sliore  towanlH 
homo.     lio3'OMd   thi^  point  tho  J'ortufjueno  ha<l   already 
sailcnl  uh  far  north  a.s  tho   Arcti*'  circlo,  without  coMiiiit; 
to  tl  -c  ti'rininalion  of  tin;   land.     Thus  adding  tho  ih-grooH 
of  Houtli  latitude  oxplomd,  which  are  r»4,  to  those  of  the 
Mortli,  whieli  are  (iG,  the  sum  ia  120,  and   therefore,  nioro 
man  are  emhraci'd  in  tho  latitude  of  Africa  and  Europe, 
lor  the  noith  point  of  .Norway,   wliiih  is  the  extremity  of 
Kurojio,    is    in    71  north,  ami  the  (Jape  of  (Jood   Hope, 
which  ia  tho  southern  extremity  of  Africa,  i.-^  in  '■][)  south, 
and  tlieir  sum  is  only  lOti,  and  if  tlie  hreadth  of  this  newly 
discovered  country  corresponds  to  its  extent  of  sea  coast, 
it  douhtless  exceeds  Asia  in  si/.c.      In   this  way    we  tind 
that  the  land  forms  a  >nuch  larger  portion  of  our  globe 
than  the  ancients  supposed,  vvUo  iiiaintainod,  -.'ontrary  to 
mutlienuitical  reasoning,  that  it  was  less  than  the  water, 
whereas  aatnal  cxin'ricnce  jiroves  the  rt.'vers*!,  so  that  we 
jutlge  in  respect  to  extent  of  surface  uie  land   covers  as 
much  space  as  the  water;  and  I  hope   more  clearly  and 
more    satisfactorily   to    point    out    and    explain    to   your 
Maje^ty  the  groat  extent  of  that  now  land,  or  new  world, 
of  which  I  have  been  speaking.     The  continent  ot'  Asia 
and  Africa,  we  know  for  certain   is  joined  to  Hu rope  at 
tlie  north  in  Xorvvay  and  h'ussia,  wJiieli  dis])roves  the  idea 
(if  the  ancients  that  all  this  part  had  been  navigated  from 
the  Cind)rie  Chers()ncsus,  eastward  as  lar  as  the  Caspian 
Sea.     They  ul^o  maintained  tliat  the  whole  <.'ontinenl  was 
surrounded  by  two  seas  situate  to  the  east  and  west  of  it, 
which  seas  in  fact  do  not  suriound  either  of  the  two  con- 
tuicnts,   for  as  we  have  se(>n  above,  tht;  laml  of  the  south- 
ern hemisphere!  at  tho  latitude  of  ,V1   cxtemls  eastwardly 
an  unknown  distance,  and  that  of  the  northern  passing 
the  0()th  parallel  turns  to  the  east,  and  has  no  termiuatiou 
as  high  as  the  70tli.     In  a   short   time,   I  hope,  we  shall 
liave  more  certain  knowledge  of  these  things,  b}'  the  aid 
of  your  Majesty,  whom  1  pray  Almighty  Uod  to  prosper 
24 


180 


VEHHAZZANO. 


in  lasting  glory,  that  wo  n^'iy  huo  tho  most  important 
rosultfl  of  tliis  our  coriraognii>hy  iu  tlio  tullihuunt  oi'  tlio 
holy  words  of  tho  (ioHiul, 

On  board  tho  nhip  Dolphin,  in  tho  port  of  Dieppe  in 
Normandy,  tho  8th  oi' July,  li'tH. 

Your  humble  sorvitor, 


KHRATA. 
On  paguB  49,  7%  70,  and  IIG  for  DaupUiny  read  Vauphint. 


important 
)nt  ul'  tiu) 


,^ieppe  in 


I  N  1)  i:  \ 


ZZA^US. 


Aca<)ia,  Krontod  to  tlm  Sionr  di'  MontH,  40, 

AilvfiiliirfrH  witli  ViTriiz/iiiio  at  thf  lime  of  IiIh  rapttr  '    1  }H,  Ifl7. 

A^n'-Hi.',  HuptiHta.  liin  iiin|i  -liowiiij;  llr.'  wusteru  m-u.  'J»    iUO,  100. 

Ailly,  l'i«rro  d',  tabic  of  (illmatcH,  OH. 

Alboniarlt',  North  ("arolin  i,  coant  of,  48. 

Alfonw',   .Ifaii,  cliiff  (lilot  of  Holicrval,  liis  ci...iiM)gra|>hy,  87    (ii'mTii)tioii 

and  i-liart  of  N'<iruml>f)Jta,  38  ;  explores  the  coayt  o'  N<}W  £ii(tlaud,  31) ; 

IiiH  liook  of  voyajii'H,  :U» 
Al^onkiii  Iniliaim,  tlii-ir  hircli  bark  cnnoo,  75,  6ft  ;  uot  fiinuibale,  140. 
Alon/.o.  I)oiniii>ro,  Hctii  to  tlii'  A/.oroH  for  t)u'  tn-annre,  141), 
Andradi',  extract  from  Iuh  C'lironiclo  of  Jofio  iii,  in  rula>.ioii  to  Verrnzzano, 

130,  145. 
An);o,  Jt'an,  father  anil  8on,  rich  and  [lowerfiii  nierchanlx  ot  iMeppo,  c»n 

nertod  with  Verraz/.ano,  3r),  H(\,  144,  liO,  IW,  IGO. 
Anonymouw  Portuf^iiewi  cliart,  followed  hy  the  Verrazano  map,  07.  08. 
AnonyinonH  Spaniuli  chart,  o!'  ITi'J?,  showinj;  Uie  exploration  of  tJomez,  123. 
Arcanj^eli,  M.,  dJHConrBc  on  Verra/./ano,  13,  17,  lOh. 
Arctiti  t'iri'le,  l'orlu>?ueHo  di*;overit'H  towards  the  58,  (1(1,  67. 
Arecifes,  on  Uibtjro'H  map,  Caixi  S"hhi  in  Nova  Hcotia,  131. 
Aubcrt,  Thomas,  of  Dieppe,  voyn^^e  to  Newfoundland  iu  1508,  carrids  Indiana 

thence  to  Franco,  <W-3,  75,  87 
Avorobaffra,  on  tho  French  maj),  BupjKMfHlto  bo  thcsatnoaH  Norumbeua,  48. 
Aylloii,  tirst  expndition  in  1531  to  the  river  Jordan  or  Santee   carrit  h  sixty 

IndiunH  thence  to  Ht.   Uoniinno,  7H,  133  ,  he  lakeH  one  to  Spain,  124  ; 

second  ex|>eilition  in  15'.'l>  ex|>lores  no  further  north  than  the  Jordan, 

123-4  ,  diuH  at  St.  Iluluna,  123. 


B. 


Bacalao,  Bacjilaoa,  Tlaccalaos  UacallaQB  and  HaccallaoB,  or  Newfoundland 

01,  04,  132,131.  ^ 

BadajoB,  (Joiue/,  a  member  of  tho  junta,  120. 
Barcia,  description  of  the  exploration  of  Menendez  Marqnez  to  tlie  Cheaa. 

peake,   50:  identificH  Verraz.zano  with  Juan  Florin,  13(),  148. 
Basle,  Sebastian  MilnHter's  edition  of  Ptolemy,  printed  at,  101,  103-4. 
Beaufort,  N.  t'. ,  au  acceshiblo  harbor,  48 


ISb 


VF-KRAZ/ANO. 


UallcforcKt,  Franriiin  do,   tuo   first   liistoriau   iu  Franco  who  mi'utiona  in 

prim  tlif  Vcrra/.zunf)  voyajre,  'iS,  'i'-l 
Biille  Isle,  route  of  (,'arti('r  fhrouffh  thf  strai"*.  2!l,  fiv. 
ncr^iTiMi,  tRk«'s  hip  acniiiit  of  tim  Vcrra/zano  voja^,'!;  from  l,i'?i'url>nt,  20. 
iilock  JNlni'tl,  not  iiiit'iuli'il  by  thti  ihiaiul  of  Ijouittc.  M. 
IJodii'laii  liljrary,  j)ortolani>  haswl  on  tlit'  Hil)cro  map,  106. 
Horjjia  Cardinal  .Stofano,  poHscHsor  of  tlic  Verrazano  map,  9t. 
Bourbon,  Ciiarles  (hs  tho  conwtabh',  invadcH  Franci.'  with  I'oscara,  21,  22.. 
Hoy,  llin  Indian,  inenri()n(Ml  in  ihe  Vfrra/,/.anf>  h'ltcr,  5.  20. 
Brazil,  throatcnrd  voyaffc  to,  by  Vcrrazzano,  I'-iii  ;  voyujjo  abaudonud,  145. 
Bretons,  oarly  discovtirios  in  Nortii  America,  02,  65-8,  86. 
Brevoort,  .1.  C,  hoIok  on  the  VHrra/.ano  map,  4,  i)5,  102. 
Bristol,  bark  cnuoc  taken  to,  in  lOdo.  7.">. 
Brittany,  arms  of,  94;  fwhermen  of,  100. 


c. 


Cabot,    Sehnstian,  72,    IIM,  117;    liis  opinion  of  the  insular  character  of 

Northern  America,  110,  120,  i;{4. 
Cabral,  ]uiblicaU()n  in  France  of  hin  discoveries,  33. 
California,  black  IndianH  found  in,  78. 
Canada,  discovorcd  by  .Tacquer*  Cart ier,  112, 1! I'i ;  i^rnnt  of,  to  Maripiis  de 

ia  Hocht\  IJV  ;  first  permanent  setthiiienth  in,  by  Sieurde  Monts,  4i)-l. 
Canoes,  birch  hark,  peculiar  to  tlie  northern  Indians,  75,  83,  90. 
Cape  Breton,  38,  57-8.  GO-3  ;  wliy  so  called,  80  ;  07-8,  104,  131. 
Cape  Cod,  52,  54.  50,  75 ;  C.  dc  .Murluis  Vlhw  on  tlie  Hibero  iniq),  130-2. 
Cap>:  d(   Has.  80,  00  ,  Cabo  Ihiso,  01,  04,  131 ;  Cajie  Hace,  57,  50,  02,  llSI. 
Cape  Riuiian,  S.  C. ,  southerly  limit  of  tin-  Verraz/.ano  voyage,  1  ;  Cape  do 

S.  Roman  on  the  Ribero  map,  130. 
Cape  Fear,  the  Verraz/.ano  landfall  near,  47  ;  C.  TraO'alirar  on  the  Hibero 

map,  130. 
Caiie  llatteras,  48  ;  '^ .  de  S.  .luan  on  the  Ribero  map.  l.'iO 
Ca|)e  Sable,  Nova  Scotia,  Cap  dt;  Noroviiri'gue  on  the  chart  of  Alfonso,  38, 

50  ;  Arecifes  on  t]ic  map  of  Ribero,  131-2. 
Cape  St.  Vincent,  treasure  raptured  by  Verrazzano  near.  143. 
Caravel,  depicted,  0  ;  described.  47-8. 
Carli,  Fernando,  ulle^red  letter  to  his  fathei^,  II.  Ki,  17,  t.",5  ,  his  version  of 

tlie  Verrazzano  letter,  11.  12,  65,  170. 
Caro,  Aniiil)al   letter  mentioning  a  Verrazzano  map,  01,  108,  115. 
("artier  .lac([ues,  voyajros  throufrh  the  straits  of  Belle-Isle,  20,30;    'ient  as 

to  Verrazzano,  30  ;  his  voyages.  :!2,  34,  44..  40,  50,  103,  105;  inland 

R<;a  mentioned  by  him.  107. 
Ca.stles,  pulf  of  the,  or  straits  of  Beljelsle,  80,  00, 
Cathay,  17,  07,  110  ;  (iroposed  vpya,i:e  of  Verrazzano,  HI,  Ito. 
Catholic  navigators,  v'listom  in  "efvac-d  to  nainiii;,' places,  40. 
Cespedes,  history  of  islands  of  the  world,  121,  133. 
Chabot,  rhillipe,  Sieur  de  Brion,  Admiral  of  France,  enters  into  a  venture 

with  Verrazzano,  35.  137,  1  10,  158,  100  ;  superseded  )>\  the  diiuphin, 

afterwards  Henry  II,  42. 


Ill  iiicutions  in 
LeflCHrhnt,  20. 

I. 

oara,  21,22.. 

bandonwl,  145, 


r  cbaracter  of 


I)   Marqnifi  <le 

eMi.iits,  40-1. 

)() 

31. 

:nap,  l:J0-2. 

5!),  ()2,  l;!l. 

re,  1  ;  C'lijie  do 

111  tlic  Hiboro 


>f  Alfdnso,  as, 


lii'j  vcrfiou  o)' 
tlT). 

.  ;}y :  ,  "iiMit  us 

J,  10.") ;  inland 


ntii  n  vi'iiture 
■  the  (liiii|iliiii, 


IXDEX. 


180 


Cliarlf'voix,  cites  Ramusin  a^Hk^lKi  voyajyo,  4,  30. 

Ch.Hapi'alxi'  Imy,  llic,  40,  I'^MvUh'  'l'"'  ''")    ot  Santa  Maria,  and  *'x- 

pliired  liy  .Mcnc'iidcz  ATCTiiifTTii  l.")?:!,  ji) :  I'litraniM-intn.-'id,  121,  135. 
("laiidia.  island  cit',  wi  lir.tt  iiatiicd  liy  .Mrnatiir,  107,   110. 
t^lfMncnt  VII,  iiope,  map  o(  Ribefo  pri'scuied  lo  liim  iu  l.J2!),  124. 
Cogswell,  r>r.  J.  (i.,  translation  of  the  Carli  versionof  the  Vorrazzanoli-ti^r, 

18,51,  127,  ITO. 
Coliiien,  Sinioii  de,  ]iri(jitr  in  Paris  in  1525,  XV 

Ciilnit  nar  dc  Arenas,  near  Puerto  did  Pico,  Verrazzano executed  at,  14!^,  KIT* 
Columbus,  Chrisioplier,  ;U-2,  48,  TO. 
Cnlunibus,  B^irtlioloniew,  71. 

Coiiiplexioii  of  ilie  Indians  misstated  in  tlie  Verrazzano  letter,  T(!. 
("oiitarini,  Veni'tian  Ambas.sador,  Uller  in  relation  to  Sebastian  ('abot,   llJi. 
Coronelli,  offtlie  place  of  death  of  Verra/.zano.  I'.io. 
Cr)rsair  tlie  profession  of  VerrazzaiU),  IJiT. 
(.'ortereal,  (faspar,  voyage  of,  ;!2,  5!),  (10,  95. 
Corti'D-aes,  voyajje  of  the  brothers,  (11. 
(■orjes,  treasure  si'Ut  by  him  from  Mixico  to  the  em]ieror,  captured  liy  Ver- 

razzano,  142-3. 
Corunna,  (toniez  sails  on  his  voyaa;t'  "f  discovtM-y  from,  120. 
Cosmography  of  llie  Venaz/.ano  letter,  7,  10  ;  of  Jean  Alfouse,  o7. 


D. 

liaupliin,  afterwards  Henry  II.  admiral  of  Fi  luco,  42  .  arms  of,  42.  44. 
Daiiphine,  the  V'erraz/.ano  vessel  of  discovery,  3,  47,  49,  72,  79,  lll>,  ITO. 
lV.\v(>/nc,  M.,  on  tile  i-arly  l''reui'h  map,  tl  ;  the  Dirppi-  Captain,  H5,  125. 
Pavila,  Aloii/.o,  ciistodiau 'if  the  tn  as u re  .-cut  by  Corii's  captured  by  V'er- 

razzano,  142;  his  letter  giving  an  aceouni  id  ;tie  i-aplure.  It;!.  1(54 
Delaware  bay,  explored  liyOoniez,  121. 

Denys,  Jean,  voyage  iu  1501  fmni  Ilonlleur  to  Newfoundland,  80. 
Desertas,  rocks  mar  Madeira,  whence  the  Verrazzano  voyag''  of  discovery 

lK!gan,  li,  7,  58. 
Diaz,  Hernal,  on  the  capture  of  Verrazzano,  147-8. 
Dieppa  laid  down  on  ibe  Verrazano  ma|i,  93,  95,  13.5-0. 
Dii'Ppe  in  Normandy,  Vi-rrazzauo  a  deiiizeu  of,  :i,  (14,  13<',  143-4. 
Diepjie,  diBCourwj  of  the  French  captaii)  of.  37,  02,  (i7,  81. 


E. 

F.lizabeth  islands,  near  Cape  Cod,  52  :  natives  of,  78-0  ;  termiiuition  of  the 

fourth  course  of  the  V'erra/zano  \  oyat<e,  13((. 
Esquimaux,  voyage  of  Cortereal  among  the,  00. 
Estienne  Henri,  early  printer  iu  Paris,  31,  33,  62. 
Etliiopians,  Indians  represented  in    lie  Verrazzano  letter  to  have  been  IdacU 

lilie  ihrm.  7ii. 
Eusuliius' Chronicle  liy  Mulliviillis,  iiccouiit  of  the    Indiuus  taken  in   1508 

from  Newfoundland  to  France,  02-3. 


10(1 


VERHAZZANO. 


F. 

Fabris's  translation  of  Pigafctta's  journal,  liy  order  of  Louise,  15,  33. 

Florida,  discovcrod  liy  the  S|>ani!U'd.-*,  iCi 

Florin,  .liuin,  a  Frcncli  corHuir,  identified  aH  Verrazzano,  i;{0-7  ;  captnrps  a 
Bhii)  Croni  lliHpaniola,  138;  also  tin'  ir<'a«urc  w-nl  by  Cortes,  14U, 
145  ;  takes  iv  Portuguese  ship  coming  from  the  f udies,  145 ;  list  of 
his  Vessels,  105. 

France,  no  evidcnco  of  the  Verrazzano  voyage  ever  focnd  tLere,  36. 

Francese,  Franoisca  or  the  Fn-uch  land,  i^H,  103,  105. 

Frauds  1  ,  king  of  Franc.i!,  Verriizzano  letter  addnmscd  to,  3,  ITO  .  his  move- 
ments at  the  time  it  i)urports  to  beardate,21  ;  absent  from  his  capital 
or  a  prisoner  in  Si)ain  from  .lune  1524  until  early  in  1520,  22,  21^  ; 
never  rec-ugni/ed  tlie  Verraz/.atio  discovery,  34;  and  livi.l  for  23 
"  years  after  it  is  alb  ged  to  have  taken  place,  without  a.sserting. any 
right  under  it;  but  otherwise  attempting  colonization  in  America, 
35,41. 

Fraiici.s.  ihe  t'hiiorane,  his  false  stories  alxnit  the  country  to  Ayllon,  134. 

French  captain  ot  Dieppe,  discourse  of,  57,  02,  07,  HA  ;  who  he  was,  85. 

French  cartographer  of  tlie  reigu  of  Francis  excludes  the  Verrazzano  dis 
covery,  41-4. 

French  ti.iherraen  fre(|uented  Newfoundland  and  Capo  Breton,  before  the 
Virra/.zauo  voyage.  03. 

French  navigation  Xo  tlio  northein  coa-it  of  America,  100,  100. 

Fundy,  bay  of,  54,  56. 


ti. 


flamo,^,  Rio  de',  the  f  enobscot,  explored  by  Oomez,  121,  133. 

Garc'.a,  Nuno,  Spanish  cartograpiier,  his  raa|),  12<). 

Gastaldi,  his  map  representing  Norumbega,  38;  and  Acadia.  40;  author 
of  the  ma])fi  in  Hamusio,  92. 

Oeorgetown,  S.  C,  harbor,  48. 

Giles,  Juan  de,  judge  at  Cadiz,  executes  the  death  warrant  upon  Verrazzano. 
148  ;  his  letters  to  the  emperor,  107-8. 

Globe  of  Ulpius  containing  the  Verrazzano  legend,  09,  101, 103, 113. 

Gomez,  Fstevan,  Portuguese  fiilot,  enters  the  Spanish  service,  117;  accom- 
panies Magellau  i>s  chief  pilot  and  deserts  him,  118;  attends  the 
junta  at  Badajos,  120;  sails  in  1525  im  a  voyage  of  discovery  to 
North  America  for  the  emperor,  120;  explores  tlie  ccjasl  fro.n  Capo 
Roman  to  Cape  Breton,  130-1  ;  his  voyage  describc>d  by  Oviedo  in 
the  following  year,  and  liis  exploriition  laid  down  in  152Y  and  1520 
on  Spanish  charts,  122-3  :  wliich  were  liuown  before  the  Verrazzano 
letter  is  shown  to  have  existed,  120  :  and  were  the  basis  of  tluit  letter, 
120. 

Qoauold's  voyage  to  Cape  C.m\,  78. 


ise,  15,  38. 

iC-7 ;  captures  a 

by  Cortes,  143, 

ies,  1^;    list  of 

tLori',  30. 

!,  iW) .  his  move- 
t  IVoin  hiscapitnl 
iu  l.WO,  22,  2.3  ; 
nd  liv.  ,1  for  23 
lit  assfrtinj^.  any 
imi  in  America, 

0  Ayllon,  124. 
he  was,  85. 
Verraznano  dis 

!ton,  before  the 

)(J, 


lia.  40;  author 


)on  Verrazzano. 

103,  113. 

e,  117;  accom- 
i ;  attctids  the 
f  discovery  to 
•ast  fro.vi  ('ape 
I  by  Oviedo  in 
152'7  and  1.'52!) 
he  VerrazzHiio 
3  of  tiiat  letter, 


[NDEX. 


191 


Orapes  alleged  in  tlie  Verraz/ano  letter  to  have  been  ripe  in  North  Carolina 

in  April, .'),  80,  81,82. 
firoene,  George  W.,  his  niouograpli  on  Vorrazzano,  14  ,  asserts  the  reconi- 

poKiti4)n  of  till!  Verra/.zauo  letter  in  HauuiHio,  14,  1(1. 
Qiialdapd,  or  St.  lleleua,  S.  C,  river  visited  by  Ayllou,  where  ho  dieB,  123. 


H. 

Hakluyt,  reprints  Ribault's  Terra  Florida,  27;  publishes  map  of  Michael 
Lok,  101  ;  his  mention  of  X'errazzano,  100-111,  14(i ;  traiislatioa  of 
tlie  letter  nientioneil,  110,  i;i7,  170. 

Harrisse,  M,,  publishes  the  commission  of  Roberval,  30. 

Hatteras,  Cape,  48  ,  C.  de  S.  Juan  on  the  Uibero  map,  130. 

Henry  VIII,  ol  Flngland,  sends  an  expedition  to  Newfoundland  in  1527,  03, 
113  ;  map  presented  to  him  by  Verrazzauo,  lOD-llS. 

Henry,  Daupliin,  42;  King  Henry  II,  30,  41. 

Henry  III,  of  France,  37. 

Henry  IV,  of  Franco,  37. 

Henry.  Cape,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Chesapeake.  49.  50. 

llispaniola,  natives,  70  ;  map,  12G  ;  ship  captured  by  Verrazzano,  138. 

Hochelaga,  grant,  37  ;  river,  38.    * 

Homem,  Diego,  map  acknowledges  that  of  Ribero,  106. 

Hudson  river,  shown  on  the  map  of  Uibero,  43,  121,  130,  133. 


Indians  of  North  America,  complexion  of,  78,  7lt,  82. 

Indians  carried  to  RoiK^n  in  1 508-0,  02-3  ;  to  Toledo  by  Gomez,  122. 

Indies,  proposed  voyage  by  Verra/zano  to  the,  145-7. 

lucatanet,  or  Nova  Gallia  on  the  Verrazzano  mai),  05. 

Italy,  discoveries  of  Gomez  immediately  made  known  in,  124. 

Itinerary  of  Charhs  V.  148-0. 


J. 

Jomard,  M. ,  repoduces  a  French  maj.  )l  the  Verrazzano  period,  41. 
Jordan,  the  river  Santee,  most  northerly  point  reached  by  the  expeditions 

of  Ayllou,  123-4. 
Joilo  III,  king  of  Portugal, extnu'l  in  regard  to  Verrazzauo,  from  thechron 

icle  of,  130  ;  letter  of  Silveira  to,  103. 


K. 

Kohl,  J.  G.,  geographical  works  and  observatiogs,  88,  101,  102,  105,  123. 
Kuustmann,  von  Hpruner  and  Thomas,  their  atlas  published  at  Munich,  02. 


192 


VARRAZZANO. 


L. 

I<nl>rmlor,  prniit  of,  fiT  ;  Jciiti  Alfonso  tticri',  fiO. 

Liiiiiltiill  of  till'  ViMTn/./iiiio  \o\n({f.  4,  5,  'IT,  liiO. 

LuiulonitTr.  UHctt  tin-  vcrnion  of  liiiiuusii.),  27  b. 

La  Pliitii,  voyiiKi'  of  SrlniHtiiiu  ("iibot,  I'-JO. 

I.iiurciitian  lilirury  in  Flon-nct!,  15. 

Lriijiiic,  liii),rtli  Mccotdiiitr  to  tlic  A'lTmz/Hiio  letter,  47,  12!) 

Le  Cleic  iiiistiiki  rt  as  to  the  diwovi  rj  of  the  ctraitH  of  Hellc  Islo  by  AlfoDBC, 

LpiH,  Haron  de,  fiilmlous  viclt  t.o  the  island  of  Salde,  40. 

Lenna,  order  of  evecution  of  Verraz/.ano  niiido  hy  Chailix  V  at,  148. 

Les(!iil)ot,  |iii\}j-iarist  hi*  to  the  voyaye  of  \'erra/./.uno,  2U. 

Livonio,  Lee-Jiorii,  on  tlie  Verrazano  uia]>,  'M,  'Jo. 

Ldiin  iBlnnd,  52,  ')0. 

Lok  or  Locke.  Michael,  ma))  of,  101-2,  100-110. 

Louise  of  Savoy,  niotlierof  Kiancis  1,  island  culled  after,  (J  :  made  recjiMit, 
37  ;  cailseri  i'ijrafetta'H  journal  of  MayelhinV  voynije  to  be  translated 
83-;i ;  hr-r  death.  10  :  refLMi'ed   to   in   the  discourse   of   thi'   French 
cajitain,  Hi. 

Liiisia,  island  of,  on  the  Verra/.zano  nia]),  04. 


M. 

Madeira,  the  I>aiii)liiiu!  leaves  there  on  lier  voyage  of  dincovory,  4.  79 

Madrid,  treaty  of  in  1520, 147. 

Majrellan,  15,  18  ;  ,iouriuil  of  his  voyape  iirosenteil  to  Louise,  32-3;  8trait,s 
ol  first  represented  on  tho  I'toleniivic  maps  by  Jli'inster,  104  ;  Ida  ex- 
peuition  from  Spain,  1 18  ,  death,  110. 

Mai:lial)echian  library  in  Florence,  Verra/.zano  letter  in  the,  15,  170. 

Maine,  bay  of,  54 

Marcelhis  (Vrvinus,  bishop  of  Florence,  c&rdinal  and  ixipe,jTli>l)o constructed 
for  by  ripiiis,  114,  150. 

iMarcde  Verra/.zana,  H)2,  100. 

Mare  Occidental.,',  OO,  102, 

Mnrgnus,  wild  fowl  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  90. 

Margry,  At.  n<loiits  the  Carli  version  of  the  letter,  DO;  fir.'-t  i>nblis1ios  tlio 
ajrreenunt  between  Chnbot  and  Verrii/zano,  140,  158;  hi.s  interpreta- 
tion of  the  niiiiie  of  the  \'errazano  vessel,  170. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  island  of,  "»:! ;  Indians  ot',  71),  liiO. 

Martyr,  I'eter,  decades  of,  transhitoil  into  Freni'li  and  printed  in  I'aris,  '!3  ; 
account  of  natives  of  the  West  India  islands,  72  ;  describes  the  com 
plexion  of  the  Indians  of  South  Carolina,  78  ;  mentions  the  proposed 
cNpeiiiiion  of  (ioniez,  120;  his  history  of  the  West  Indies,  125;  his 
mention  of  Juan  I'l^rin,  loO,  138,  142,  143,  145. 

Massacli'iseits  bay,  54-5,  09. 


;lc  by  AlfoDHO, 


»t,  148. 


ni;i(li'  rotront, 
be  tmnslated, 
'   tlie   I'^iencli 


y,  4.  79. 

n3--;5;  straits 
KM  ;  Ilia  ex- 

r>,  170. 

)o  constructod 


ml)lisli(>s  tlio 
lis*  iutei'iircia- 


in  Paris,  .'(3  ; 
ibes  the  com 
tho  ]ir(i|)iistHl 
lies,  Via ;  his 


INIIKX. 


193 


Mationzo  and  Ayllon,  tjxpodition  of,  78,  133. 

Mencntlez,  Pedro,  tlifi  iidelantado,  50. 

Menende/,  Maniuez  Pedro,  esplores  the  coast  from  tlin  point  of  Florida  to 

the  ('lieHai)eake,  50. 
Mercator,  the  (irnt  cartotjrai)lier  to  refer  to  Verrazzano,  101,  107. 
Micniacs,  natives  of  Cape  Unitou,  03. 
MoliiccaH,  new  route  projxised  by  Qoraoz,  117. 

Moncada,  Ihijifo  de,  coinmaudiT  of  the  Spaniuli  fleet  in  Barbary.  17,  19,  82. 
Montana  verde,  on  tlie  map  of  Hibero,  tlie  hiyldamlrt  of  NaveHinIt  at  tlio 

mouth  of  the  Iludrton,  180,  Ki'i  ;  copied  on  the  map  of  Ruscelli,  I0«. 
Montezuma,  articlei?  belonging  to,  143. 
Mout.s,  Seiur  de,  Canada  firHt  (Colonized  uniler  his  grants,  40. 
Muchas  yllas,  C.  de,  or  Capo  Cod,  130-2. 
Municli  athw,  01-2,  (note),  97. 
Milnster,  Sebastian,  map  in  his  works,  102, 10-3,  105. 


N. 

Nantucket,  island  of,  54, 130. 

Narraganset,  bay  of,  not  referred  to  in  the  Verrazzano  letter,  52,  55  ;  Indi- 
ans, 73,  79. 
Nas(iuai)i.'es,  natives  of  Labrador,  03. 
Navarrete,  error  as  to  the  voyage  of  Ayllon,  123. 
Navesink,  the  highlands*  of,  recognized,  49,  130. 
Newfoundland,  37-8,   57,   01  ;    reported    by  the  French  and   Portugiiees. 

before  the  Verrazzano  voyage,  01-4  ;  red  Indians  of,  03,  90. 
New  England,  coast  of,  (explored  by  Jean  Alfonse,  38-9;    part  of  Acadia, 

40,  55  ;  early  French  navigation  to,  100. 
New  France,  first  attempt  to  coloni/.e,  30  ;  maji  of  92. 
Newport,  irn  liar!)()r  not  intended  in  tiin  Verrazzano  letter,  53. 
Normanda  and  Hretoiis,  in   J504  discover  Newfoundland,  02,  80;    resort 

there  to  fish,  63-4. 
Normanda,  nanip  of  one  of  the  Verrazzano  (leet,  3. 
Normandy,  lisliermen  of,  in  Newfoundland,  03-4;  fleet  preparing  in  the 

ports  of,  139-12  ;  Verrazzano  a  denizen  of,  170. 
Noroveregiie,  cape  of.  Capo  SaMe,  38. 
North  Carolina,  landfall  of  the  Verrazzano  voyage,  47;  harbor  of  Beaufort, 

48;  natives,  09,  79;  ripening  of  grapes,  81. 
Norumbega,  land  of,  30  ,  described  by  .Jean  Alfonse,  37-S  ;    map  of,  37-8  ; 

discovered  by  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards,  39,   an   Indian   name, 

38,  87. 


0. 

Ochelaga,  country  of,  30  ;  river  of,  38. 
OlimjiO,  C.  de,  on  the  Verrazzano  map,  93. 

Oviedo,  on  the  custom  of  naming  newly  discovered  places,  40  ,  his  account 
of  the  voyage  oftioiuez,  82,  121-3,  135,  130. 
25 


194 


VEKRAZZANO. 


P. 

Papsi  novamonte  ritrovati,  Italian  book  of  voyages  translated  and  printcHi 

in  Paris,  ;]2. 
PanilicK  sound,  ronipjoxion  of  the  nativos,  78. 
Paris,  cnriy  ptintiiijr,  ;il-'i. 
PHnncntiir  .Ti'an,  voyiitfi:  to  Suinntra,  85,  147. 

I'as(nmlijf<i,  the  Vcnotiau  umbassador,  account  of  the  voyajye  of  Cortcreal,  51). 
Pdli.lifi^of  Verrazzano,  12,  134. 
Pelt.-y,  cnrly  trade  in,  to  jTorumboga,  38. 
Penobscut.  i-aWi'd  tlio  river  of  N'orunilioga  and  describwl  by  iUfunac,  37-8  : 

exi'lDrcd  tirsi  by  (loniez  ami  calli-d  ly  him  rio  do  los  Uamos,  121,  133. 
PenBoe,  a  ship  of  Dieppe,  voyage  to  Newfoundland,  80. 
Pescara,  army  of,  in  I'rovence  in  1524,  21-2. 
Pijjiafetta,  .journal  of  Magellan'^  voyage,  tranblated  by  order  of  Louise,  15, 

32-3. 
Portuguese,  discoveries  of  the,  58,  59,  86 ;  charts  of,  (51,65-7;   fiehermen 

in  Newfoundland,  01-3. 
Printing  well  established  in  France  in  the  time  of  V<   razzano,  31-2. 
Pnnge,  Cajit    Martin,  his  desrnptinn  of  the  birch-barli  canoe,  75  ;   and  of 

till?  coiuplexidn  of  tlie  Indians  of  .Martha'^  Vineyard,  70 
Propaganda,  college  of  the,  Verra/.zano  map  in  its  possession,  17. 
Provence,  invnsion  of,  by  the  army  of  the  emperor,  22. 
I'toliMiiy.  edition  of,  by  Bernanlus  Sylvanus,   showing  Newfoundland,  in 

1511,  00  .  by  Sebastian  Milnster  printed  in  1540  at  Basle,  showing 

Canada,  101-3. 
Puerto  del  Pico,  Verrazzano  ext^cuted  at  Colmenar,  near,  148. 


Q. 

Quejo,  Pedro  de,  pilot  of  Matienzo,  testinjony  as  to  his  expedition,  123. 
Quifiones,  Antonio,  custodian  of  treasure  sent  to  Spain  by  Cortes,  142  ; 
killed  in  tho  action  with  Verrazzano,  143, 


R. 


Race,  Cape,  .'i7,  59,  01-2,  94,  131 

Uamuslo,  first  publishes  the  Verrazzano  letter,  2,  10  ;  recomposes  it  and 
materially  alters  the  text,  4,  .'55,  82-3,  187  ;  for  three  centuries  the 
only  authority  fi^r  the  voyage,  13,  30,  33,  05,  07  .  resiwnsible  for  the 
credit  given  to  the  letter,  83  ;  editsa  transintioii  in  Italian  of  t)vie(io'8 
first  work,  125  ;  his  account  of  the  death  of.Verrazzano  an  imposition, 
134-5, 149-50. 

Uaso.Cabi),  01,94, 131 


INDEX. 


195 


ted  anil  printod 


if  Cortcreal,  5!). 


Red  indians  of  Newfoundland,  wliy  so  callwl,  03. 

Uegiomontanus,  law  tablo  of  eclii)j«'8,  8. 

Hoinol,  Fodro,  map  of,  Gl,  97. 

Uliodo  Iwlnud,  complexion  of  the  Indians  of,  78. 

Jiliodt'K,  Hiniilar  iBlaiid  named  after  the  mother  of  Franeis,  0,  21,  53. 

Ribaiilt,  derives  hia  information  in  re(,{ard  to  Verra/.zano,  from  liamnsio, 

30-7. 
Hibera,  Juan,  Hecrotary  of  Cortes,  carries  the  news  to  Spain  of  the  treasure 

at  the  Azores,  142,  144. 
Uibero,  Uiogo,  Spanish  cartographer,  map  of,  43,  50,  100 ;  lays  down  the 

exploration  of  Uomcz,  121-3  :  his  map  in  1521)  presented  to  tlio  pope, 

124  ;  and  is  tlu^  bnnis  of  the  Verra/./.ano  letter,  120-133. 
Rio  do  Huelta,  on  Cape  Breton,  northerly  limit  of  the  voyage  of  Oomez,  120. 
Rio  de  los  Oamos,  tlie  Penobscot,  explonKl  by  (lomez,  121. 
Roberval,  expedition  to  Canada,  34-0  ;  his  roniniirtsioa  first  publishoil  liy 

M.  IJarrisHu,  30  ;  his  return  from  Canada  in  1543,  41-2. 
Roche,  ^lanjuisde  la,  commis.sions  to  settle  the  newly  discovered  countries, 

30-7  ;  his  failure,  39,  40.  ♦ 

Roclielle,  Verra/./.ano  at,  143-4  ;  letter  of  Alonzo  Davila  from,  104-5. 
Rosier,  account  of  the  New  England  Indians  using  tobacco,  74. 
Rouen,  Indians  of  Newfoundland,  with  their  birch-bark  cauoe,  taken  there 

in  1008,02. 
Ruscelli,  map  of,  refers  to  the  discoveries  of  Gomez,  106. 
Rut,  John,  voyage  to  Newfoundland  in  1527,  03,  113. 


8. 


Sable,  Cape,  Nova  Scotia,  called  Ca])e  of  Norumbega,  by  Alfonse,  38,  50  ; 

Arecifes  on  Riliero's  ma|),  131-2. 
Sable  island,  convicts  abandoned  there  by  <le  la  Roche,  40. 
Saggiatore,  a  journal  in  Rome,  first  jjublishes  the  letter  of  Carli,  17. 
Saguenny,  Roberval  in  1543  at,  41. 
San  Antonio,  one  of  M-Agrllan's  shijis,  with  Qouiez,  118. 
San  Antonio,  river  on  RibiTo's  map,  lOfi. 
Santa  Cruz,  Alonzo  de,  map  of,  in  the  Munich  atlas,  42. 
Santa  Cruz,  or  Brazil,  threatened  expedition  of  Verrazzano,  to,  139. 
St.  Domingo,  Indians  taken  to,  from  South   Carolina.  78  ;  expeditions  of 

Ayllnn  and  Mutien/.o  from,  123. 
Santa  Elena  or  Helena,  South  Carolina,  Ayllondicm  and  his  exjxjdition  ends 

there,  123. 
Santiago,  on  the  Riliero  maj),  43  ;  on  the  Verrazzano  map,  93. 
St.  .Johns,  Newfouiidlund,  fishing  vesscds  there  in  1527,03. 
S.  Juan,  C   d(>,  on  the  Ribero  map,  Cajm  llattcras,  130. 
St.  Lawrence,  the  river,  37,  40. 

Santa  Maria,  bay  of,  the  Chtisapeake,  visited  by  Meneudez  Marquez,  5t),  133. 
Santa  Maria,  one  of  tin-  .Azores,  treasure  sent  by  Cortes,  renuiins  at,  142. 
St.  Konum,  C.  de,  southerly  limit  of  the  Verrazzano  voyage,  130. 
St.  Vincent,  Capt-.  treasure  captured  otl".  143. 


190 


VEUHAZ/ANO. 


Santeo,  tlio  river  Jordan,  Tndiaiis  taken  from,  78 ;  northerly  limit  of  the 
oxi)e(litionH  of  Ayllon,  12:5-4. 

SaraccnH,  coiiipltxion  of  tin-  Anusrican  Indians  likened  by  UaniuBio  to  tlio, 
82. 

Snrrnlcfl,  on  Rilx-ro's  map,  at  or  near  Capo  Canso,  131. 

Seville,  rlmrtfl  uliowinjj;  tlio  exploratiiMi  of  Ooniez  prepared  at,  132,  120. 

Silvclra,  l'ortii^\iewe  anibuHfiador  to  France,  llitt;  liis  Icllur  to  Ivinj^  Joilo 
III,  Ml,  103. 

Siiiiaiicas,  doruinenta  froni  the  archives  at,  148,  107,  108. 

Smith,  HuckiiiKham,  his  inquiry  into  the  authenticity  of  the  Vorrazzano 
discovery,  ;) ;  jrlobe  of  (Hpiiis  found  by  him,  IKi;  docunii'nts  ob- 
tained by  him  from  the  arcliiveo  of  S|iain  ami  Vi)rtnir>i\,  prcjato)'!/ 
note  and  Appendir. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  description  of  the  comiilexion  <jf  the  Indiana  of  the 
ChcHapeake,  78-9. 

South  Carolina  discovered  in  the  expedition  of  Ayllon  and  Mationzo,  119. 

Spaniard.^  discovur  Norumben[a,  li'J  ;  and  Florida,  Do. 

Strozzi  library  in  Fl(>rtiuce,  depository  of  the  Carlimanuacript,  11,  15  ;  when 
founded,  11. 

Sumatra,  voyujre  to,  85, 

Sylvanus,  Bernard  us,  map  in  hia  edition  of  the  Ptolemy  of  1511,  60. 


T. 

Terra  Nova,  fiHheries  carried  on  there  l)y  the  I'ortu^juese  in  1500,  (!1  ; 

Indiiinn  taken   tlu'iice   to  France  in    1508,   02-1!  ;  discovired   by  the 

IJnton.s  (uid  Normand.s  and  the  Portu<rue,se,  80-7. 
Thomiufsey,  M.,  first  to  call  alti'ulion  to  the  Verrazano  nuip  in  1853,92; 

dewribew  the  IJilx'ro  map  sent  to  the  pope,  125. 
Thevet,  Andre,  his  ac«)unt  of  the  Verrazzano  voyaj^e,  30. 
Tiraboschi,  mentions  th(^  Carli  version  of  the  letter,  13,  15 ;  and  the  letter 

of  Car..,  108. 
Tobacco  pii>e,  its  use  among  the  Indians  of  the  North  American  continent,  74. 
Toledo,  Indians  taken  there  by  Uomcz,  121. 
Tiiitralf,Mr,  C-.  now  Cape  Fear,  on  the  map  of  Uibera,  the  landfall  of  the  Ver- 

razzauo  voyage  near,  130. 


u. 

ITlpiufi.Euphropynus,  globe  of,  99  ;  tlu^  only  evidence  of  the  early  existence 
of  the  Verrazano  ma]),  101,  113  ;  from,  115. 


V. 


Val  di  Ureve,  Verrazzano  a  town  in  the,  whence  the  fnmilv  name,  1:54. 
Varesiim,  Jelian  de,  atrreetnent  witli  Chalioi.  35,  15S,  Kli) 


INDKX. 


197 


-I)  in  1853,  93  ; 


Viiri'/nnii  Jimo,  mention<ul  liy  tlm  PortujruHsi'  clironicU'r,  Aiulrailti,  139  ; 
ami  by.tliii  niiilmsmulor,  Silv(^irn.  Ill,  103. 

ViTaHHfii,  Jean,  nii'iitioncd  in  the  inummcriiitH  of  Diepiio,  \Vi. 

Vcrrazaiiii,  Hicroniiiiodi',  map  of,  84  ;  iiiuii  iliscrilx'd,  91-115. 

Vt!rraz/.nnii,  land  (jf,  91 ;  8i^a  of,  Hi'i. 

Vcrra/./Hiii,  tlii^  l)r<itlu'rH,  113,  115. 

Vcrra/./.nno,  family  of,  13,  1  Ul,  134. 

Vt^rrazzaiio,  Bcrnardi)  da,  two  ancimtorH  of  tlit^  iiami',  134. 

Vtirra/zuiio,  (iiovaniii  da,  tlic  discos-cry  atiributt'd  to  him,  1  ;  letter  in  liii) 
mimi'  addri'sscil  to  thi'  kin>i  of  Krancc,  3  ,  letter  not  ^rcnuiae,  1(1 ,  two 
vernionH  of  the  letter,  10  ;  oni:  firnt  jirinted  by  Hiuiiiihio,  in  I'tM.  10; 
tlie  iitlier  appended  to  a  letter  of  Kernundo  Carli,  first  printed  in 
1841.  11-13;  the  latter  the  orijjinal  form,  13-1(1;  the  letter  not  aii- 
tlientir, 'J.'")  ,  no  voynj'  "nide  hy  him  for  tiie  kiiii;  of  Frani'e  known 
in  the  lii«itor}  of  Fniiue  or  luknowledj^ed  l)y  her  kin;,'H, 'J,"i  44  :  (he 
letter  intrinsically  false,  4.1-83,  utated  by  Ilakluyt  to  liave  made 
three  Voyages  to  America  and  visited  H-.nry  VIII,  c/f  Kngland,  109  ; 
his  career,  134-148:  Hamusio's  account  of  hiw  deatli,  134-5;  was  a 
corsair  known  h)  the  tiame  of  Jnim  Klorin,  130;  his  first  capture, 
138  ;  tlirciUens  an  ex|ie<lition  ajxaiiisi  Ura/il  139-141  ;  captures  tlie 
treasure  sent  from  Mexico  by  Cortes,  143,  takes  a  Portuguese  Imlia- 
man  in  the  summer  of  1524,  115  ;  his  probable  visit  to  Kngland,  140  ; 
enters  into  a  venture  with  Chabot,  140;  depredates  upon  the  com- 
merce of  Spain  and  is  himself  cni)tured,  147  ;  summarily  executed  hy 
order  of  (  luirles  V,  iu  November  1427,  148;  not  answerable  for  tho 
fraud,  151. 

Verrazziuio,  Piero  Aiulrca  da,  father  of  (liovanni,  134. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  7,  52. 

Vespucci,  Juan,  120. 

Victoria,  one  of  Magellan's  ships  returns  witli  the  news  of  his  death,  119. 


w. 


larly  existence 


Wampum,  \i8ed  for  money  and  jiersonal  ornament  bj  tin-  Indians  of  Now 

England,  72-3. 
Waymouth,  Captain,  Hosier's  account  of  Bmokmg  the  tobacco  pipe  by  tho 

Indians  seen  on  his  voyage,  74. 
Williams,  IJoger,  on  tlie  use  of  wampum  by  tlie   Xarraganset  Indians,  73- 

4  ;  on  their  complexion,  79 
Wolsey,  Cardinal,  proposition  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  1519,  to  go  in  search 

of  a  northwt^st  passage,  113. 
Wood,  William,  description  of  the  wampum  of  tiio  Narrangansets,  73. 


X. 


Xaragua,  nichechio  Caciipie  of,  71 


198 


VKRHAZZANO. 


Y. 

Yucatan  an(!  Yuratanct  on  flio  Vorrazuno  map,  95  note. 


z. 

Z,  the  letter  used   difTorflntly  in  tlif  name  of  tlio  (imhor  of    tlio  map, 
and  that  of  the  navigator,  91  map.  94  note,  16  note,  134, 186. 


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